Recent Event Highlights: Vadeha Poem - The Promises (( شعر وعده ها )) Iran Election Poet Poetry, Interest group spending for midterm elections up fivefold from 2008 - Tampabay.com, Iran Lifts Ban on Director, Saying He Issued an Apology - New York Times, Muslim Brotherhood warns regime against fixing November elections - Al-Masry Al-Youm, Iranian officials mock new US Sanctions - Payvand, Lack of Balance in US Administration's Foreign Policy - ABNA.ir, and 847 more...
Created by dipity on Jun 13, 2009
Last updated: 11/29/10 at 12:26 AM
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Interest group spending for midterm elections up fivefold from 2008Tampabay.comEgypt: Egyptian and Iranian airlines agreed to resume direct flights between the two countries for the first time since 1979, when Tehran severed ties ...and more »
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Iran Lifts Ban on Director, Saying He Issued an ApologyNew York TimesThe ban laid bare the deep divisions between Iranian artists and the government in the aftermath of the disputed June 2009 presidential election and the ...and more »
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Al-Masry Al-YoumMuslim Brotherhood warns regime against fixing November electionsAl-Masry Al-Youm“Egypt needs a revolution like that seen in Iran in 1979,” he said. “The Iranian revolution succeeded in toppling the Shah, who had headed up the strongest ...and more »
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Washington PostIranian officials mock new US SanctionsPayvandThe US targeted eight Iranian officials for alleged human rights abuses in the widespread protests to the controversial re-election of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad ...Prisoners' letters upset Iranian officialsWashington PostIran speaker calls latest US sanctions "childish game"Monsters and Critics.comUS ban on Iranian officials 'childish'Press TVAFP -Tehran Times -Fars News Agencyall 56 news articles »
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Press TVLack of Balance in US Administration's Foreign PolicyABNA.ir... senior Iranian officials, accusing them of human rights abuses during the Western-led post-election unrest following Iran's last presidential elections ...Iran Interior Minister: US recent sanction out of quandaryISNAall 7 news articles »
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Minister: Ban on Iranian Officials Signifies US HelplessnessFars News AgencyWashington has recently adopted a set of bans and restrictions on eight senior Iranian officials, accusing them of human rights abuses during post-election ...
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Dallas Morning NewsBook review: 'Let the Swords Encircle Me' by Scott PetersonDallas Morning NewsPeterson wisely privileges the voices of Iranians in telling their own story. Forced to leave the country days after the 2009 elections, Peterson is at ...and more »
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Media Lit 101: A Guinness Record We Don't WantHuffington PostICMPA researched reporting of the 2010 and the 2005 elections in Iraq, the 2009 Afghanistan and Iranian elections and the 2008 election in Pakistan. ...and more »
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France24Iran opposition figure Yazdi detained: reportReutersYazdi was twice detained after Iran's disputed election in June 2009. He is an important opposition voice in Iran but has no influence on state policy and ...Iran arrests heads of banned groupPress TVIran arrests members of banned Freedom Movement organizationPayvandReport: Former Iranian foreign minister arrestedHa'aretzRTT Newsall 21 news articles »
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Boston GlobeOFAC Sanctions Iranian Officials for Post-Election Human Rights AbusesWall Street Journal (blog)“I have determined that the actions and policies of the Government of Iran on or after its presidential election of June 12, 2009, including its violent ...Iran Calls US Sanctions an InterferenceVoice of AmericaIran blasts US for latest sanctions moveThe Associated PressIran summons envoy for US "sanctions" on its officialsReutersChristian Science Monitor -Press TV -NPRall 1,164 news articles »
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Tehran official claims head of Jundallah had visited a US military base hours before his arrestIran trumpeted a significant security success today with the capture of Abdolmalek Rigi, the leader of Jundullah, a Sunni insurgent group accused by Tehran of mounting terrorist attacks with the support of the US, Britain and Pakistan.Jundullah (Soldiers of God) has claimed responsibility for bombings that have killed scores of Iranians, including five senior commanders of the Revolutionary Guards, in recent years.Iranian state TV showed a handcuffed Rigi being escorted by four masked commandos off a small aircraft, but there were conflicting accounts of how and where he was seized.According to one official, Rigi's plane was forced to land by Iranian aircraft while on a flight from Dubai to Kyrgyzstan. But other accounts said he had been arrested inside Iran or Pakistan. Al-Jazeera TV reported that he had been handed over by the Pakistan authorities.Tehran presented Rigi's capture as a major coup and a blow to the countries it alleges have been backing Jundullah. "We are warning America and European countries that the intelligence services of the west should stop support for such groups and their terrorist acts," said Iran's intelligence minister, Heydar Moslehi. "We have clear documents proving that Rigi was in co-operation with American, Israeli and British intelligence services."Moslehi said Rigi had been in a US military base 24 hours before his arrest and was carrying an Afghan passport supplied by the US. In Washington a US official rejected the claim as "totally bogus". Moslehi also blamed the BBC and the Voice of America for covering Rigi's "achievements".Britain, at odds with Iran over its nuclear programme and many other issues, welcomed the news. "Abdolmalek Rigi is a terrorist responsible for despicable attacks which have killed many innocent Iranians," a Foreign Office spokesman said. "The UK has always condemned such actions. His arrest by the Iranian authorities would be a blow against terrorism, which Britain unreservedly welcomes."Al-Alam TV said Rigi had been detained with three other members of his group.Jundullah operates largely in the south-eastern province of Sistan-Baluchestan, where the borders of Iran, Pakistan and Afghanistan meet in the "triangle of death". It is home to a large population of Sunni Baluchis and is a hotbed of Sunni insurgency against the Shia regime, as well as of cross-border drug smuggling.On al-Arabiyya TV, an Islamabad-based analyst, Bakr Atyani, described the capture as a "serious blow" to the group.Mohammad Marzieh, prosecutor of Zahedan, capital of Sistan-Baluchestan, said: "Rigi's arrest was made through security measures taken for a long period of time. He is now in Iran and will be handed to security and judicial officials."Tehran has accused Rigi of carrying out several attacks, including a bombing in Pisheen, south-east Iran, that killed 42 people, including five Revolutionary Guard commanders, last October. Jundullah also claimed a May 2009 attack on a Shia mosque in Zahedan that killed more than 20 people and wounded 50. Iran hanged 13 members of the group last July and another one in November.It was reported in 2007 that the US Congress had agreed to a request by George Bush for $400m covert funding to Iranian groups including Jundullah. Washington denies it supports terrorism.IranGlobal terrorismIan Blackguardian.co.uk © Guardian News & Media Limited 2010 | Use of this content is subject to our Terms & Conditions | More Feeds
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2010/feb/23/iran-abdolmalek-rigi-arrest
Shocking film footage has emerged showing how riot police brutally suppressed protesting Tehran University studentsLast night the BBC Persian service broadcast for the first time a very disturbing video of the attack by the Basij militia and riot police on Tehran University's campus just two days after the stolen election last June. The attack was one of the seminal events of Iran's post-election unrest in which the police broke locks and then bones as they rampaged through the dormitories, carted off more than 100 students and killed five.The following day I went to Tehran University to report on the student protest. Students were demonstrating inside the university and behind the iron bars that separated them from outside. They carried a banner with the names of those who were arrested the night before. I talked to some students and took a picture of their banner. They also gave me the names of those five classmates who were killed in the campus attack.A month later, I wrote a detailed story for the Guardian of what happened during the attack on the university campus, pieced together from interviews with students. But the new video shown on the BBC reveals more details from that shocking night.For months, the Iranian authorities denied any incursion on to the campus took place but later supreme leader Seyed Ali Khamenei claimed that the unknown people – not the Basij or riot police – had attacked the students on the campus.Surprisingly, the video shown on the BBC is not amateur footage but leaked from the police archive (how it came into the BBC's possession is unknown but may make an interesting story in itself). It begins moments before the attack when plainclothes officers used teargas and firearms against students. They later ransacked students' bedrooms and set beds on fire.Azizollah Rajabzadeh, the former commander of Tehran police, is named in the video (by the cameraman) as the person behind the campus attack. Many people suspected Rajabzadeh but until this video appeared there was no confirmation. He recently left the Tehran police department for a different position in Tehran municipal office.Under Iranian law, police, revolutionary guards and other militia are not allowed to enter universities – a legacy of the 1999 student riots. This is why many believe that even though Rajabzadeh ordered the attack he must have had prior approval from Khamenei and top commanders of the revolutionary corps.The riot police behaved so brutally that even some of the Basij tried to stop them, as the video shows. Students were harassed verbally and physically when forced to lie on the ground. Some were bleeding profusely but the police continued to attack them. This was the point when five students were killed by being beaten with electric batons on their heads.Later that night, students were made to stand in front of a dormitory block with plastic bags over their heads. The video their hands bound with plastic ties – known in Iran as "Israeli handcuffs" – and 46 of them were taken to the basement of the interior ministry on nearby Fatemi Street. It was there, on the building's upper floors, that the vote-rigging was going on, according to opposition supporters.Another 87 were taken to a security police building on Hafez Street where they were tortured and mistreated. Their ordeal lasted 24 hours and before being released the students were ordered to put on fresh clothes (without bloodstains) supplied by the police.Although news of the university campus attack circulated over the internet, many Iranians had not heard about until this video emerged and provided indisputable evidence. It also shows why, with so much brutality to hide, the regime is afraid of letting journalists report from Iran.• The seven-minute clip shown on the BBC is an edited extract. A longer version has been posted on YouTube.IranMiddle EastSaeed Kamali Dehghanguardian.co.uk © Guardian News & Media Limited 2010 | Use of this content is subject to our Terms & Conditions | More Feeds
http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2010/feb/23/iran-campus-attack-film
JONATHAN NACKSTRAND/AFP/Getty ImagesAn Israeli flag flutters next to a locally-manufactured surveillance unmanned plane during a presentation to the media at the Tel Nof Air Force base, south of Tel Aviv, on February 21, 2010. The Israeli surveillance drones have advanced technology features which allow flights at higher altitudes for longer periods of time than other unmanned air vehicles, according to an Air Force press release. AFP PHOTO/JONATHAN NACKSTRAND (Photo credit should read JONATHAN NACKSTRAND/AFP/Getty Images) Photograph: JONATHAN NACKSTRAND/AFP/Getty Images
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/video/2010/feb/22/netanyahu-israel-sanctions-oil-iran
The west can penalise the regime's nuclear plans without damaging the opposition by hitting the right pockets hardSeveral recent developments suggest that Iran's nuclear programme is not for peaceful purposes, as the Tehran regime claims, but is intended to develop a bomb.First was the exposure of the secret enrichment site at Fordo, near the holy city of Qom. The site, which was recently exposed by the United States, should have been declared three years ago when Iran began construction there. However, the Iranian government decided to keep it secret until September this year. The fact that the site is only suitable for 3,000 centrifuges, enough for making a bomb but in no way sufficient for producing nuclear fuel for a civilian reactor added to the validity of the argument that Iran is building a nuclear weapon.This is in addition to the recent discovery of a secret dossier by the International Atomic Energy Agency that contained evidence suggesting that Iran experimented with an advanced nuclear warhead design.Currently, the US and Europe are deciding on the next stage of their dealings with Iran. After the rejection of Barack Obama's generous nuclear deal, which offered nuclear fuel in return for the shipment of 75% of Iran's Low Enriched Uranium (LEU) abroad, some have advocated not taking any more steps, as it could hurt the position of the opposition inside Iran.At this stage, inaction would be the worst option. It would send the message to Iran's leaders that they not only have impunity to oppress their own people, they can also break international law at will, without fearing any repercussions.In fact, inaction could boost the position of the ultra-conservatives in Tehran. They could use it as justification of their hardline stance and to say that as evidence, when Iran plays hard ball, the west retreats. Therefore their radical policies and rhetoric are the most suitable course of action for Iran to pursue.Western countries should not forget that they do have a viable option at their disposal, and that is the imposition of sanctions against the bank accounts and business interests of the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corp (IRGC) as well as senior Iranian politicians abroad.This option would directly hurt the pockets of decision-makers in Tehran. It would also deprive Ali Khamenei from using sanctions as an opportunity to rally the people around the flag.In fact, this form of sanctions could unite the west with the people of Iran, as corruption by Iran's politicians is an issue which enrages them. However, they are powerless to do anything about it, and would welcome western action in this regard. This was witnessed recently by the positive reaction received in the Iranian blogosphere to the UK decision to block $1.6bn of funds to the bank accounts of Mojtaba Khamenei, the son of the supreme leader.So far western governments stopped there. Now that direct talks with Iran have failed and sanctions are impending, they should go after the leadership's wealth with fury.Such sanctions would also cause damage to Iran's intricate web of secret accounts abroad which its leadership uses to transfer funds to groups such as Hamas and Hezbollah. This would be another blow to Khamenei and President Ahmadinejad and their desire to support extremist groups in the region.Such a measure could also be detrimental for the IRGC's business empire in Iran, which is thought to controls one-third of the country's economy. Corrupt practices and insider dealings sanctioned by the supreme leader have played an important part in its growth as a business force. However, one can not ignore the important part which trading abroad through its front companies have played in turning it into a business as well as military force to be reckoned with.The achilles heels of the current Iranian regime are the private business interests of its rulers. The west needs to create deterrence against the Iranian leadership, and to weaken the extremists. Hurting their pockets directly is for now the most practical and powerful way to do this. This option seems to be one which is currently being seriously considered by President Obama. US politicians and the international community should encourage him to adopt it. Otherwise, Tehran would not only acquire nuclear weapons, the increasing economic and political clout of the IRGC would help it turn the country into a military dictatorship.IranMiddle EastNuclear weaponsMeir Javedanfarguardian.co.uk © Guardian News & Media Limited 2010 | Use of this content is subject to our Terms & Conditions | More Feeds
http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2010/feb/17/iran-nuclear-regime-west
The US policy of engagement with Iran never got off the ground – and now Hillary Clinton has resorted to Bush-era sabre-rattlingHillary Clinton's sudden volley of shots at Iran marks the end of an engagement policy that never really began. She wants to convince the world that the regime in Tehran is opposed to serious talks with the west. That may be true, but we'll probably never know because in fact, no one has offered such talks.In laying out the American approach to Iran, Clinton showed how little US foreign policy has changed since the last years of the Bush administration. President Bush famously explained that he would not negotiate with unfriendly regimes because he didn't want to "reward bad behaviour". He wanted states like Iran to change of their own accord, not as a result of negotiation but as a pre-condition for being allowed to negotiate.Clinton embraces this same idea. She rejects the view that as Iran becomes more threatening and approaches nuclear breakout capacity, diplomatic engagement becomes more urgent. Instead she takes the opposite view. "We don't want to be engaging while they are building their bomb," she said this week.Whether the increasingly splintered regime in Iran would or could respond to a serious offer of negotiations is highly uncertain. What is clear, though, is that the regime has not been offered this option. The Obama administration, like its predecessor, has made clear that it is interested in negotiating only one thing: curbs on Iran's nuclear programme. No country, however, would agree to negotiate only on the question that an adversary singles out, without the chance to bring up others that it considers equally urgent.A more promising approach would be to tell Iran what President Nixon told China 35 years ago: if you agree to consider all of our complaints, we will consider all of yours. Clinton has made clear that the US will make no such offer. Instead it clings to the decades-old American policy toward Iran: make demands of the regime, threaten it, pressure it, sanction it, seek to isolate it, and hope for some vaguely defined positive result. Some of America's most seasoned diplomats are eager for the chance to see what kind of a "grand bargain" they could strike with Iran. An ideal one would curb the nuclear programme, guarantee some measure of protection for brave Iranians who are being brutalised for defending democratic ideals, and give Iran security guarantees that might lure it out of its isolation and lay the groundwork for a new security architecture in the Middle East. Instead the US has fallen back on sabre-rattling. This pleases Israel, war hawks in Washington, so-called American allies like Saudi Arabia – and most of all, President Ahmadinejad and his reactionary comrades in Tehran. They thrive on confrontation, and are doing all they can to bait the US into attacking their country. It is a strategy as effective as it is dangerous.Hillary ClintonIranUS foreign policyNuclear weaponsObama administrationUnited StatesMiddle EastStephen Kinzerguardian.co.uk © Guardian News & Media Limited 2010 | Use of this content is subject to our Terms & Conditions | More Feeds
http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/cifamerica/2010/feb/16/hillary-clinton-iran-bush
Secretary of state seeks to drive wedge between military wing and public says US seeking UN sanctions targeted at guardThe Obama administration switched to tougher tactics against Tehran today focusing on the corrupt and powerful Revolutionary Guard and seeking to drive a wedge between the elite military group and the public.The US secretary of state, Hillary Clinton, on a visit to the Middle East, warned that Iran's democratic institutions were in danger of falling to the guard, the most powerful wing of the country's military."Iran is moving toward a military dictatorship," Clinton said in Doha, Qatar. "I'm not predicting what will happen but I think the trend with this greater and greater military lock on leadership decisions should be disturbing to Iranians as well as those of us on the outside."Her comments mark a shift away from Barack Obama's offer of engagement with Iran, and shows a new willingness on the part of the US administration to become involved openly in Iran's internal politics – in contrast to last summer when the White House was long reluctant to comment on Iran's post-election demonstrations.The White House aims to contrast the relative poverty of much of the population with the wealth the Revolutionary Guard has accrued. The guard, set up after the 1979 Islamic revolution, has about 125,000 fighters, owns hotels, airlines and other businesses, reports directly to the supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, and has a reputation inside Iran for thuggishness.Clinton said the US was seeking UN sanctions "that will be particularly aimed at those enterprises controlled by the Revolutionary Guard, which we believe is, in effect, supplanting the government of Iran".She added: "That is how we see it. We see that the government of Iran, the supreme leader, the president [Mahmoud Ahmadinejad], the parliament, is being supplanted and that Iran is moving toward a military dictatorship. That is our view."She told reporters flying with her: "I think the civilian leadership is either preoccupied with its internal domestic political situation or ceding ground to the Revolutionary Guard and that's a deeply concerning development."It's a far cry from the Islamic republic that had elections and different points of view within the leadership circle."Clinton's predecessor in the Bush administration, Condoleezza Rice, targeted the Revolutionary Guard with US sanctions, but this is the first time that a senior member of the Obama administration has pinpointed the group.Karim Sadjadpour, one of the leading Iran analysts in the US, based at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, agreed that Iran was headed towards military dictatorship but disagreed with Clinton's analysis that the Revolutionary Guard was at odds with Khamenei and Ahmadinejad."Clinton's comments are a reflection of the reality on the ground. I wouldn't argue that the Revolutionary Guard are supplanting Ahmadinejad and Khamenei. However, I think the latter have actually spearheaded Iran's transition to military dictatorship," he said.While sceptical about the value of previous rounds of sanctions against Iran, Sadjadpour said measures designed to stigmatise the Revolutionary Guard for their human rights abuses and deprive them of their ability to sign billion-dollar deals with multinational corporations would be welcomed by many democratic activists.The biggest problem facing US attempts to persuade the UN security council to adopt sanctions against Iran is China, which has a veto in the council and is dependent on Iranian oil. Part of Clinton's mission to the Middle East is to encourage King Abdullah of Saudia Arabia to give China a guarantee that it would make up any shortfall in oil supplies.The move on sanctions comes at a time of strained US-China relations, with Beijing opposed to Obama's meeting at the White House on Thursday with the Dalai Lama. Russia, which used to align itself with China in opposition to sanctions, has signalled a degree of willingness to support punitive action. The Israeli prime minister, Binyamin Netanyahu, today pressed Russia to back "sanctions with teeth" by targeting Iran's energy sector.The tougher US line reflects White House frustration that the Iranian leadership has not responded positively to Obama's offer to negotiate. Clinton, during the US presidential primary contest against Obama, repeatedly pushed for a tougher approach along the lines of that now being adopted.IranHillary ClintonUS foreign policyUnited StatesMiddle EastEwen MacAskillguardian.co.uk © Guardian News & Media Limited 2010 | Use of this content is subject to our Terms & Conditions | More Feeds
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2010/feb/15/clinton-iran-dictatorship-revolutionary-guard
The UN's sanctions against Iran are too modest – it needs to remember how it learned to stop Libya's former nuclear venturesInternational efforts to prevent Iran from developing nuclear weapons will be given a new lease on life this month, as France assumes the presidency of the UN security council. As council president, France, which shares America's views about the need to strengthen sanctions on Iran's government, can raise the matter – something that China eschewed during its tenure in January.But, even were a revived Franco-American effort to succeed in getting the UN organ to endorse targeted penalties to hamstring the financial underpinnings of the Revolutionary Guard and other Iranian elites, the proposed measures appear to be too modest. They add little to three prior sanction resolutions banning the export of nuclear and ballistic-missile technology and conventional arms, and freezing the assets and travel of a handful of Iranian officials. Moreover, despite the pain they impose, economic sanctions historically have a poor record of prompting countries to change fundamental policy.But there is a notable exception to this pattern: Libya's decision in December 2003 to abandon its nuclear weapons programme. The country's dramatic shift from the nearly quarter-century effort to get the bomb marks a remarkable proliferation reversal – and sanctions played a key role. How those sanctions worked in tandem with other forms of pressure provides hope that they may yet help turn Iran around.If nothing else, Muammar Gaddafi's efforts to acquire nuclear weapons were far more audacious than Iran's. The saga began within a year of Gaddafi's 1969 overthrow of King Idris. With no wherewithal to manufacture a nuclear bomb, Gaddafi sought to buy one.During the 1970s, he approached China, India, and Pakistan. Fortunately, despite the fact that India and Pakistan lay outside the nuclear non-proliferation treaty (NPT) – and thus were not subject to its prohibition on disseminating arsenals – they, along with China, rebuffed his requests. Undaunted, he sought to acquire technologies to produce the weapons. Here, the non-proliferation dikes failed.Gaddafi exploited a network of opportunity. French-controlled mines in Niger provided uranium ore. An undisclosed country conveyed a pilot uranium conversion facility. And the Soviet Union followed with a research reactor from which Libyan scientists extracted small amounts of plutonium.But it was the father of Pakistan's nuclear programme, AQ Khan – and his network – that furnished the technological linchpin: the rudiments for a nuclear centrifuge program. And the Pakistanis added a nuclear weapon design as well.As Libya mounted its effort, the International Atomic Energy Agency remained clueless. Despite published speculation about the country's nuclear intentions, the IAEA considered Libya to be NPT-compliant. The absence of international resistance normally would have allowed Libya a clear field to realise its ambition. But Gaddafi's hubris and revolutionary zeal blunted the goal by stimulating the imposition of international sanctions that ultimately brought down his nuclear programme.By 1988, Libya's clash with the west reached its apex with the bombing of Pan Am 103 over Lockerbie, Scotland. Until then, the United States had led a lonely battle to isolate Libya by severing diplomatic relations and imposing economic sanctions and embargos on oil imports and arms exports. But not even the Reagan administration's 1986 military strike would move Libya away from its confrontational ways.Prompted by the Lockerbie tragedy, security council sanctions adopted in 1992 and 1993 changed the dynamic. To force Libya into handing over the plotters, compensating victims' families and ceasing terrorism, the council froze all air commerce in an out of the country, all aircraft maintenance, and all arms shipments, as well as reducing diplomatic representation. In addition, a freeze on Libya's financial assets abroad and exports of oil equipment cost the country an estimated $33bn in revenue, exacerbating already high unemployment and inflation rates.As a result, the government's confidence and hold on power were shaken. Military coup makers and Islamists felt encouraged to contest the regime. They were brutally suppressed, but the sanctions nonetheless provoked an internal battle within Gaddafi's coterie that pitted hardliners committed to the anti-western crusade against pragmatists who promoted integration into the global economy.Confronting continued albeit fraying sanctions, Gaddafi threw his weight behind the pragmatists, turning the Lockerbie bombers over to face trial, renouncing the terrorism that he had promoted, and expelling the foreign terrorists who made Libya their home. In 1999, the security council responded by suspending sanctions.But the nuclear programme remained a laggard. Gaddafi continued to import nuclear technology secretly, even as his diplomats privately negotiated a modus vivendi with the US and UK. In October 2003, Italian inspectors of a German ship moored in Taranto, Italy, uncovered a stash of centrifuges bound for Libya.Faced with the re-imposition of harsher measures, and with the pragmatists continuing their push to steer the country in a new direction, Gaddafi relented, trading the nuclear programme for political normalisation. On 31 May 2006, the US reopened its embassy in Tripoli, ending the quarter-century hiatus in diplomatic relations.The demise of Libya's nuclear venture offers a template for dealing with Iran. It suggests that seriously challenging the nuclear venture will come not from more timid sanctions now, but from measures that encourage the pragmatists who populate the fractious Iranian government to promote normalisation. The time to implement such a strategy is long overdue.• Copyright: Project Syndicate, 2010IranNuclear weaponsUnited NationsLibyaLockerbie plane bombingMuammar GaddafiGlobal terrorismBennett Rambergguardian.co.uk © Guardian News & Media Limited 2010 | Use of this content is subject to our Terms & Conditions | More Feeds
http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2010/feb/15/iran-united-nations-libya
Tension 1 The Dalai Lama Meeting of Tibet's spiritual leader with Obama is a passing irritantWhat's the problem?China's Foreign Ministry has urged Barack Obama to cancel his meeting with the Dalai Lama, in Washington on Thursday, warning it will damage Sino-US relations.View from the west Washington and Europe are anxious to highlight the cause of exiled Tibetans and concerns about human rights in the autonomous region, particularly since the unrest of 2008. Every US president for the past 20 years has met the exiled spiritual leader. Obama delayed their meeting because he wanted to visit China first. That led to accusations he was soft-pedalling.View from BeijingChina accuses the Dalai Lama of heading separatist forces – he says he seeks only meaningful autonomy – and has taken a tough line on his meetings with heads of state, particularly since his high-profile 2007 visit to the US. In 2008 it cancelled an EU summit after learning that French president Nicolas Sarkozy was to meet him.How serious could the row become?It is unlikely to escalate, although the fact that the meeting coincides with other frictions has complicated matters. China was keen to avoid a rerun of 2007, when George W Bush presented the Dalai Lama with the Congressional Gold Medal; it can live, albeit unhappily, with a private meeting at the White House.Tension 2 Sanctions on Iran Alienating a vital provider of energy has no rewardsWhat's the problem?The west is pushing for substantial United Nations sanctions against Iran to curb a nuclear programme which it believes is pursuing military as well as civilian goals.View from the westThe US defence secretary, Robert Gates, said last week that he wanted to see sanctions imposed in "weeks, not months". Western leaders warn that Iran is not serious about reaching a deal.View from BeijingIran, led by Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, is a key ally and energy supplier; China, a member of the UN security council, feels it has little to gain from alienating it. It argues that diplomatic avenues have not been exhausted, that Iran's pursuit of nuclear weapons is not proved, and that sanctions will be ineffective. The US has sought to persuade Beijing by trying to set up a deal to safeguard its energy supplies and warning of the potential for Israeli military action.How serious could the row become?China's Foreign Ministry warned that the row over America's recent arms sale to Taiwan would "inevitably" affect regional and international co-operation – a comment many read as a signal that China would not play ball on Iran. Beijing could feel isolated if Moscow continues to stand alongside western powers, but even if it agrees to sanctions they are likely to be too watered down to satisfy others.Tension 3 Arms sales to Taiwan Despite the mainland's ritual fury, Taipei did not get all its wish-listWhat's the problem?The US is to sell Taiwan $6.4bn (£4bn) of arms – including Patriot missiles, mine-hunter ships and Black Hawk helicopters – under a deal agreed by the Bush administration.The view from the west The deal is necessary to keep the security balance in the region. The US also has a legal duty to help Taiwan defend itself; Beijing has more than 1,000 missiles pointing across the Taiwan Strait and says it could take military action if the self-ruled island seeks formal independence. However, Washington has not included the F16 fighter jets or submarine technology Taipei seeks.View from Beijing Its response to the announcement has been unusually strong: as well as suspending military exchanges, it threatened to place sanctions on US firms involved in the deal. Some analysts say leaders are seeking to defend their policy of thawing cross-strait relations; others that they want to prevent the sale of F16s and the like in future.How serious could the row become?It is probably not as bad as it looks. Despite suspending military exchanges, China appears to have approved a visit by the supercarrier USS Nimitz – one of the largest warships in the world – to Hong Kong this week. Experts suspect sanctions may be used to send a signal, but will probably not have a significant impact on US firms.Tension 4 Currency A slow march towards new trade balance What's the problem?The strength of the renminbi has been a long-running battle. Economists say it is undervalued by as much as 40% – encouraging cheap Chinese exports to flood other countries (thereby keeping down inflation, point out the Chinese) while discouraging imports.View from the west A substantial rise in the currency's value is necessary. Earlier this month Obama vowed to take a tougher stand on trade; given the state of the US economy, there is growing domestic clamour for action.View from Beijing China says it will not submit to pressure and accuses the US and Europe of protectionism. The recovery of exports (which plummeted last year) has persuaded many Chinese economists that appreciation is needed to head off nascent inflation and encourage a much-needed rebalancing of the economy, but Beijing will not want to look as if it has been pushed into a revaluation.How serious could the row become?There are fears this issue, alongside other trade frictions, could lead to tit-for-tat action, particularly if Obama formally labels China a currency manipulator. But China's deputy commerce minister last week dismissed prospects of a trade war; given their economic interdependence, all are likely to tread carefully. Many experts predict a slow, unheralded appreciation this year, but to a level far below US expectations.Tension 5 Human rights 'There are no dissidents, only criminals' What's the problem?Human rights groups and foreign diplomats fear there is a growing attack on China's already fragile civil society, citing increased pressure on lawyers, internet censorship and a more punitive attitude to activists and dissidents, including writer Liu Xiaobo, sentenced to 11 years for subversion.View from the westChina is not abiding by its own constitution, never mind international law, and must clean up its act if it wishes to be respected as a global power.View from BeijingChina argues that other countries should not interfere in its domestic affairs. Asked about Liu's case last week, a Foreign Ministry spokesman told reporters: "China has no 'dissidents'. We only act in accordance with the law. There is only the difference between criminals and those who are not criminals." Some say western professions of concern are hypocritical and just another stick to beat China, given the record of the US and other countries on issues such as Guantánamo Bay.How serious could the row become?Both Chinese analysts and human rights campaigners are sceptical about whether western governments will make it a priority, particularly given the other issues – such as Iran – that they face.Tension 6 Google and censorship Defiant stand in web battle What's the problem?Google said last month it was no longer willing to censor its Chinese service, citing a China-originated cyber-attack that targeted human rights activists' email accounts.View from the west The Chinese should at least investigate the Google attack, which many suspect was sponsored or tacitly condoned by the government. China needs to roll back increasing online censorship and increase freedom of information.View from BeijingInitially gave a muted response to Google's bombshell. But Hillary Clinton's intervention prompted an angry fightback. State media accused the US of "online warfare", saying that it stirred up unrest in Iran.How serious could the row become?Google has said that it would like to remain in China. While officials are extremely unlikely to allow an uncensored search service, the firm might be able to maintain an advertising wing, for instance. Some doubt that internet freedom is truly a priority for America.ChinaHuman rightsDalai LamaIranTania Braniganguardian.co.uk © Guardian News & Media Limited 2010 | Use of this content is subject to our Terms & Conditions | More Feeds
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2010/feb/14/china-tensions-relationship-west
Although opposition protesters had a low turnout at the anniversary rally, threats to the regime are far from overThe numbers of opposition supporters at yesterday's rally in Iran were not as high as expected. In fact, those who were on the side of the government seemed to have greatly outnumbered those who were against.However this does not mean that the campaign of opposition is over. Far from it. Although many Iranian government supporters and the media proclaimed yesterday as a success, in fact, the opposite is true. Yesterday showed how desperate and concerned the hardliners in Tehran have become about the supporters of the green movement.An obvious sign of their concern was the extensive preparations to ensure that the opposition was unable to organise rallies. This is why important websites such as Google were blocked prior to the demonstrations. In some areas the internet was cut off altogether. This also made uploading of unofficial videos, taken by demonstrators almost impossible. The little video evidence which we did see was uploaded by satellite phones, which are few and far between in terms of their numbers. Even text messages were blocked.This was in addition to the huge number of security forces on the streets, who were there from early hours of the day to prevent the opposition from gathering. And those who did manage to demonstrate were quickly dispersed.This is in contrast to government support in the form of free transportation as well as unconfirmed reports about free food, and in some cases money being handed to those who were bussed in from different parts of Tehran and other parts of the country to show their support.A regime which is feeling confident in its own popularity does not need to resort to such measures.What yesterday's events do mean is that the opposition is likely to change tactics – meaning that from now on it's possible that more covert methods will be adopted. Although the chances of military attacks, such as assassinations of high-profile figures or members of the security forces are low, they cannot be dismissed altogether. But sabotage campaigns against government property such as broadcasting services and equipment are more likely. There could also be go-slow campaigns at government institutions and factories, as well as wildcat strikes.Switching from overt to covert methods won't be without its own risks. For example, attacking government figures could actually turn prove useful for the government itself. After the first hit against a senior politician by the opposition, the regime itself may start using such tactics among its own figures as well as those of the opposition, which it can later blame on opposition forces. There are sufficient power struggles within the regime which would warrant this.Apart from opposition among the public, the infighting among different factions in the government is likely to continue unabated. Since the start of the Iranian revolution in 1979, no Iranian politician has been as a divisive figure as Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. The infighting he has created has already caused great damage to the regime's cohesion and unity – far more than the opposition has so far.One trait that can be noted from the president's childhood is that he does not change – meaning that due to his difficult and single-minded characteristics, he is likely to continue to alienate elements within his own administration and to cause divisions. This will continue to boost the legitimacy of the opposition. It will also continue to damage the foundations of the Islamic republic. It's bad enough that people are against the president on the streets. It's worse when officials inside Iran's Byzantine corridors of power are becoming more weary of him every day.The recent opposition in the Iranian parliament shown against Ahmadinejad's plans to place the savings made from the subsidies reform bill under his government's supervision, rather than that of parliament is just one example. Although a final compromise was made where another government body will supervise the expenditure of the funds, the fact that parliament lost its control over this important decision will strengthen its animosity towards the president.Another example is the direct instructions from Khamenei to the parliament to approve Ahmadinejad's nominations for his new cabinet. If it wasn't for the supreme leader's intervention, the president – due to his unpopularity – would have faced severe opposition with parliament. We should not forget that this is a body which three years ago tried to reduce his term as president.For now, it is difficult to judge whether members of the green movement form the majority of the population. However, they have a chance of reaching this goal in the future, as long as Ayatollah Khamenei continues to ignore the economic plight of the public, and Ahmadinejad continues to create divisions.How long it will take before this happens could greatly depend on how quickly and brutally the government imposes the unpopular subsidies reform bill. More important than that is the question of Khamenei's succession. Until now, no single figure seems to have been prepared to take over once he passes away. In the current atmosphere of deep divisions, the failure to groom a unifying figure who carries sufficient consensus and authority to be able to captain the ship of the Islamic republic could be the biggest and most deadly mistake made by Iran's supreme leader.IranMahmoud AhmadinejadMiddle EastMeir Javedanfarguardian.co.uk © Guardian News & Media Limited 2010 | Use of this content is subject to our Terms & Conditions | More Feeds
http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2010/feb/12/iran-protest-turnout-threat
Huge rallies hear country now 'a nuclear state' while Green movement is dealt a blow as protests are mutedMahmoud Ahmadinejad struck a defiant note today as Iran's Islamic regime celebrated the anniversary of the 1979 revolution with a major security clampdown and huge official rallies that dealt a grave blow to supporters of the opposition Green movement.The Iranian president told a crowd of hundreds of thousands in Tehran's Azadi (Freedom) square that Iran was now a nuclear state, having produced its first batch of uranium enriched to a higher level than before. The announcement will fuel fears that the country is getting closer to building a nuclear weapon in defiance of international demands, although Ahmadinejad flatly denied this."When we say we do not manufacture the bomb, we mean it, and we do not believe in manufacturing a bomb. If we wanted to manufacture a bomb, we would announce it," he said. "Iran must be free, Iran must be powerful and it must be at the forefront of technology."State television reported that "tens of millions of people" attended rallies on the most important day in Iran's revolutionary calendar – a claim that is impossible to verify given a near total crackdown on independent media in the country of 70 million people. Outside Tehran opposition protests were reported to have taken place in Shiraz, Isfahan, Mashhad and Ahwaz. But signs were that they were relatively muted. The regime's overall control never seemed in doubt.Supporters of Mir Hossein Mousavi, the man who claims to have beaten Ahmadinejad in last June's disputed presidential election, still managed to make their voices heard, with many reportedly calling for a referendum to resolve the continuing political crisis. But demonstrations in the capital were held well away from the route of the main pro-government rally.Mousavi was reported by opposition websites to have been present during protests while his wife, Zahra Rahnavard, was attacked by baton-wielding militia. Mehdi Karroubi, another defeated presidential candidate, was forced to flee Tehran's Sadeghiyeh area after being attacked by security forces. Hossein Karroubi, his son, called the clampdown the "most violent in the past eight months".However, there were few reports of the kind of violence that erupted during the Ashura festival in late December, when eight people were killed and thousands arrested in clashes between security forces and opposition supporters.Today heavy security, intimidation and a media blackout gave the authorities the upper hand. Militiamen sealed off access routes and sprayed demonstrators with paint for ease of identification. Among those arrested were the granddaughter of Ayatollah Khomeini, and the brother of the former president Mohammad Khatami. Both were later released.Iranian officials were quick to claim victory in the latest round of unrest, the worst the regime has seen in 31 years. "The massive turnout for the [official] rally …shocked the central command of the arrogant front, including the US, England and the Zionist regime," said Major General Gholam-Ali Rashid, deputy chief of Iran's armed forces. "The thinktanks of the seditionists will be destroyed for good."Opposition websites reported a sense of disappointment as well as fear of the consequences of confronting the security forces. Many people had decided to leave Tehran for the holiday weekend. Observers said there were fewer people making V-signs or wearing the green armbands or wristbands worn by Mousavi supporters than during previous protests."There were 300 of us, maximum 500. Against 10,000 people," one protester told the Associated Press. "It means they won and we lost. They defeated us. They were able to gather so many people. But this doesn't mean we have been defeated for good. It's a defeat for now. We need time to regroup."Morteza, 23, a student, said: "It's not fair. The government has all the facilities to organise their own rallies but we've not been given permission to hold one protest since the election. They bus in basiji militia from other cities to Tehran and give them free food and transportation."There were lots of protesters among pro-government people but they couldn't chant their slogans because the whole area was surrounded by well-equipped riot police. That's why it's difficult to say how many protesters were in streets today."If the mood was downbeat, anger against the regime remains undiminished. "Iranians have not yet gained what they wanted 31 years ago," said Alireza, a graphic designer. "They are still suffering from dictatorship and now it has become worse because it is a religious dictatorship, as Mousavi said in his latest interview."International attention on Iran has focused largely on the nuclear issue, with talk of a US-led diplomatic effort to impose sanctions that will force compliance. But the EU tonight expressed its "great concern" that Iranians had been prevented from expressing their views."The scenes of violent repression today are part of a pattern over the past few months," said Lady Ashton, high representative for foreign affairs. "Violent crackdowns on those calling for the fundamental right to freedom of expression and assembly have cost the regime the trust of its own people as well as that of the international community. The determination shown by protesters on Iran's streets clearly demonstrates the strength of their desire for democracy, human rights and fundamental freedoms."IranMiddle EastProtestIan Blackguardian.co.uk © Guardian News & Media Limited 2010 | Use of this content is subject to our Terms & Conditions | More Feeds
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2010/feb/11/iran-islamic-1979-revolution-anniversary
Protesters clashed with the security forces and a number of opposition figures were rough-up, as the regime stamped its authority on the 31st anniversary of the revolution. Read how the day unfolded8.00am: The Iranian opposition has been gearing up for another day of protests amid mounting international concern about Iran's nuclear ambitions. State television has shown images of tens of thousands of people attending the official rally in Azadi square to hear a speech by Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.The regime seems more determined than ever to stamp out protests and news of protests, as it celebrates the 31st anniversary of the revolution."Iran's security forces have adopted all the necessary measures in preparation for the day," the semi-official Fars news agency announced. There have been more arrests, reports of Basij being bused into Tehran, and it has been ominously difficult to contact people in Iran, amid continuing restrictions on the internet.On a practical level the regime appears ready to drown out the chants of protesters by installing loud speakers along Azadi (Freedom) Street, the route of one of the planned protests towards Azadi Square (just visible in the background of this picture).The opposition website Rahesabz says Basij militia stayed last night in Sharif University close to Azadi Square.The map below shows proposed routes of one of the rallies marked in green. The area shaded in blue shows where speeches may be held. The text asks protesters try to be at the square by 9am (6.30am GMT). But the official rally also appears to be taking place in Azadi Square, with Ahmadinejad due to speak there soon.The opposition movement has been considering mounting two alternative rallies in northern Tehran if the security services block the square. One possible location is Evin prison, where many of the protesters from previous demonstrations have been held. The other is Jam-e-jam close to the headquarters of the state TV station.There is a virtual media blackout in Iran which means that reliable information is difficult to obtain, so if you are in Iran and have news, please email me at matthew.weaver@guardian.co.uk or for a more secure encrypted message email me at matthew_weaver@hushmail.com and please post updates or interesting links in the comments section below.8.05am: CNN is showing live footage of Ahmadinejad speaking in front of hundreds of thousands of his supporters in Azadi Square. This is state TV footage, but the regime certainly appears to have succeeded in getting out its supporters in huge numbers for what is the most important day in the Iranian calendar.Meanwhile, there are reports on opposition websites that one of the opposition leaders Mehdi Karroubi has been attacked. His son Hossein confirmed that his father has been attacked by Basiji militia in Ashrafi Isfahani Street in Tehran.Mohammad Reza Khatami, the brother of the former president, has been arrested, according to the opposition website Rahesabz.In a further sign of the crackdown Iran's telecommunications agency has announced the suspension of access to Google's email service Gmail.8.28am: Riot police have shot at protesters in the Ariashahr area of central Tehran after people chanted slogans against the supreme leader Ayatollah Khameni, according to the opposition website Rahesabz.The granddaughter of Ayatollah Khomeini, has been arrested according to Reuters, citing an opposition website. She is also the sister-in-law of the reformist ex-president Khatami.The Jaras website said Zahra Eshraqi and her husband Mohammad Reza Khatami, were detained during the rallies. Jaras said the son of a leading opposition figure Mehdi Karroubi was also detained.There are also reports on Twitter of clashes between protesters and riot police in the city of Isfahan, south of Tehran.8.41am: Opposition supporters chanting "death to the dictator" have just been heard by my Farsi-speaking colleague listening to a radio broadcast of Ahmadinejad's speech.During the speech Ahmadinejad announced that Iran has produced its first package of highly enriched uranium.Iran is now a "nuclear state" and had produced its first batch of 20% enriched uranium, AP quoted him as saying.8.50am: A full impromptu translation of Ahmadinejad's speech, complete with asides and reaction from the crowd has been posted on Twitlonger.8.57am: The security forces are preventing the people from reaching Enghelab and 7 Tir Squares and clashes have been reported around Baharestan Square, according to an impressive new live blog in English and Farsi by astreetjournalist.com.Live blogger homylaftayette has published a map showing the routes of the official rallies.9.17am: The first videos of the protests have been uploaded to YouTube (credit again to YouTube user onlymehdi who has been consistently fast in uploading such footage). This video shows people chanting "referendum, referendum". The demonstration appears to be taking place in front of Sadeghieh metro station in west Tehran, near where Karroubi was planning a demonstration.Another video shows people chanting support for Mir Hossein Mousavi.9.25am: This video appears to show numerous buses used to drive Ahmadinejad's supporters to the official rally.Another shows protesters chanting "Death to Russia" which is seen as an ally of the Iranian government.9.35am: The usually reliable Twitter user Oxfordgirl reports that protesters are now moving towards the headquarters of State TV and Evin prison in northern Tehran. You can read an interview I did with Oxfordgirl here.9.39am: Video footage is emerging of people chanting anti-government slogans on the Metro. Our translator, who shall remain nameless to protect his identity, says they are singing an old revolutionary song that is traditionally sung on 22 Bahman (11 February) celebrations. But they substituted the words "traitor shah" for "traitor leader".And this video shows state-run TV footage of Ahmadinejad's speech. The broadcasters cut the sound when chants of "death to the dictator" became audible.9.54am: Human rights abuses against opposition supporters have been even more flagrant than previously thought, according to a new report. Human Rights Watch has documented the abuses which included extra-judicial killings; rapes and torture; violations of the rights to freedom of assembly and expression; and thousands of arbitrary arrests and detentions during the nine months since last June's elections.There is more on a Guardian project to put faces to all those killed and detained in the protests.10.04am: Al Jazeera's Tehran correspondent Nazanine Moshiri says she has witnessed opposition supporters chanting against the regime. But she said the security forces prevented them gathering at the official rally in Azadi square.10.13am: The first video of protests outside Tehran today has emerged on YouTube. This appears to show demonstrators chanting protest songs in Isfahan. And there is a report on an opposition website of a protest march in Ahwaz in the south-west of the country.Back in Tehran, this video shows people chanting against the Basij militia.10.29am: There are reports of clashes in west and north Tehran, according to the opposition website Jaras. The first video of apparent scuffles between protesters and the security forces today has also been uploaded to YouTube.It shows people running in panic after shouting slogans against the government.10.37am: Here are some of the key quotes from Ahmadinejad's speech, courtesy of AP:"I want to announce with a loud voice here that the first package of 20% fuel was produced and provided to the scientists.""We have the capability to enrich uranium more than 20% or 80% but we don't enrich (to this level) because we don't need it.""When we say we do not manufacture the bomb, we mean it, and we do not believe in manufacturing a bomb. If we wanted to manufacture a bomb, we would announce it.""God willing, daily production (of low enriched uranium) will be tripled."10.45am: On yet another video protesters can be heard shouting "Death to Khamenei". So far the protests seem quite limited in scale, the protesters also appear nervous.The video below shows perhaps the largest gathering of protesters filmed so far today, but again the crowd is relatively small compared to the demonstrations last summer. They are calling for the release of prisoners.10.59am: Kalame, the opposition website closest to Mousavi, reports that opposition supporters have received threatening texts from the Iranian intelligence service telling them that today will be the last day of the unrest. The photo on the left shows an image of the text.Similar texts have also urged people to inform on protests by texting 113 to the security forces.11.10am: Here are the main points so far:• Hundreds of thousands of people have turned up for official rallies to mark the 31st anniversary of the revolution.• President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad told a huge crowd in Tehran that Iran has produced its first batch of uranium enriched to a higher level.• The opposition has also taken to the streets of Tehran and other cities.• A massive security presence prevented protesters disrupting the main rally in Tehran, forcing them to assemble elsewhere.• A number of protesters have been arrested, including the granddaughter of Ayatollah Khomeini and the brother of the former president Mohammad Khatami. Both have since been released.11.39am: Blogger homylafyette has been listening in to the callers to US-based ePersian Radio and translating what they say. One caller said listen to this and held her phone up to loud chants of "with God's help, victory is near. Death to this deceitful government."Other callers have urged Iranians abroad to sabotage the Intelligence Ministry's hotline for informing on protesters.11.50am: The scale of the crackdown is becoming clear. The security forces were lining up next to each other in rows eight men deep along the routes of the official rally, according to a photograph published by the opposition website rahesabz. This video also shows scores of police in riot gear.12.02pm: The opposition movement has been trying to organise rallies in the main square in central Tehran at 4pm (12.30pm GMT), according to the opposition website Rahesabz.It also reports that at least 100 protesters were arrested in the eastern city of Mashhad, and that another 20 were detained in the southern city of Shiraz in Fars province.12.16pm: Protesters have been filmed throwing stones and shouting abuse at the security forces in the video below. There also appears to be the sound of gunfire. We think the film was taken outside Evin prison in north Tehran, if you have more information please let us know (see 8am for contact details).12.31pm: The movements of opposition leader Mir Hossein Mousavi are always hard to pin down on these protest days. The opposition website, Iran's Green Voice, claimed he attended one of the rallies. "Eyewitnesses said that Mousavi appeared at the rally amongst ordinary citizens in a manner that made it difficult to tell him apart," it said. It gave no further details. There also images circulating of Rafsanjani attending the official rally.1.04pm: Protesters have been filmed tearing down a poster of Ayatollah Khamenei and then trampling on it.1.11pm: Those attending the official rally were given free food as this video shows. One of the reasons that 22 Bahman celebrations are always well attended is because of the freebies available.1.31pm:There are several reports that protesters have been shot with paint pellets so that they could be identified later. One of Karroubi's body guards was badly injured in clashes according to an unverified account which also mentions paint guns.1.46pm: It's very difficult to know exactly what has taken place today because the accounts differ so sharply. Compare and contrast the following. First here's an account from a caller to Radio Farda translated by blogger homylafayette. "I was in Sadeghiyeh and though people were not holding up any symbols, I think most of them were against the regime because they wouldn't respond to the official chants from the loudspeakers. The security forces attacked the crowd violently, with cables, batons, and gas. Where I was, I can say that the 22 Bahman celebrations did not take place. I saw a small gathering of regime supporters and even they were dispersed by the police. The people were beaten and I even saw some seriously injured individuals. That's what happens when you're attacked with chains. But no shots were fired."Secondly here's state-run Press TV's write up of today's events:Millions of Iranians across the country have taken to the streets to celebrate the 31st anniversary of the Islamic Revolution. Huge demonstrations were held all across the nation on Thursday in commemoration of the occasion. In the capital Tehran, an extraordinarily high number of people from all walks of life marched across the city and gathered at Azadi (Freedom) Square to take part in the festivities. They were carrying banners denouncing the enemies of the country. A few hundred of supporters of Iran's defeated presidential candidates also rallied in Tehran. Supporters of Mir Hossein Mousavi and Mehdi Karroubi gathered in a western Tehran district. Police stepped up security in the area to prevent possible disturbances. Defeated presidential candidate Mehdi Karroubi was seen among the protesters. 2.04pm: Protesters were heavily outnumbered by those at the official rally, according to AP's Tehran correspondent.The agency talked to some dejected opposition supporters."There were 300 of us, maximum 500. Against 10,000 people," one protester said."It means they won and we lost. They defeated us. They were able to gather so many people. But this doesn't mean we have been defeated for good. It's a defeat for now, today. We need time to regroup," she said.Another protester insisted the opposition had come out in significant numbers, but "the problem was that we were not able to gather in one place because they (security forces) were very violent.""Maybe people got scared. Today was not a good day."AP's sources also confirmed reports of paint ball attacks on protesters.Riot police fired paint-filled balls at hundreds of protesters chanting opposition slogans in Sadeqieh Square, about a half-mile from the anniversary rally, witnesses said.2.30pm: Mousavi's wife, Zahra Rahnavard, was attacked and prevented from attending a rally in Sadeghiye Square, according to an unconfirmed report on his Facebook page. She was able to leave the area after being protected by supporters, it says.2.53pm: A half-stripped man, presumably a protester, is shown taking a savage beating by a riot policeman in this graphic new footage. It was apparently filmed today, but as with most of these videos this is difficult to verify.3.04pm: Another new video purports to show a motorcycle belonging to the security forces on fire in the midst of a fairly large opposition protest. They are chanting "Freedom, Independence and an Iranian republic" (as opposed to an Islamic Republic).3.26pm: More dejection from opposition supporters, this time from NIAC, a blog representing the Iranian-American. The post said: It's still very early to be drawing conclusions from today's events, as people are still out in the streets. But one thing I'm struck by is just how much the government has been in control today. Sure, they chartered buses and lured tens of thousands to the official government rally with free food, but they have also managed to keep the opposition activities largely on their terms today. The government's strategy is to depict the protesters as a small group of rioting thugs, burning trash cans and disrupting order for their own radical, "foreign-backed" agenda. Toward that end, they have been very effective at keeping the demonstrations today dispersed and nervous...Above all else, the ruling elites know the danger of big crowds: strength in numbers takes over and individuals no longer feel like they will be held accountable for their actions, thus their demands get more radical and their tactics more extreme; this forces a harsher backlash from security forces, possibly including using lethal force... So today's events (like previous ones) have seen security forces disrupt crowds before they can coalesce into a large group, arresting numerous individuals as a way of controlling the crowds before they get out of the police's hands. 4.15pm: That report by about Mousavi's wife being attacked has been confirmed by his website, according to AP.Plainclothes Basiji militiamen beat 65-year-old Zahra Rahnavard with clubs on her head and back until her supporters formed a human ring around her and whisked her away, it Kaleme as saying.4.24pm: This seems to be why the protests were snuffed out. The video below shows hundreds of police and basij militia in riot gear lining the streets.4.29pm: Tehran Bureau has published a transcript of an interview with Hossein Karroubi son of the opposition leader Mehdi Karroubi's son. It's worth repeating in full:How is your father Haj Agha Mehdi Karroubi?We're treating him for burns to his face and eyes. He's having trouble with his lungs too. He was badly attacked with pepper spray. Plainclothes agents (vigilantes) approached him and kept spraying it in his eyes. He's resting at home though; he's not been hospitalized.Any news of your brother Ali?We haven't been able to figure out where he is. Everyone we call claims to have no information on him. We believe he's in the custody of the law enforcement agency.Government officials are touting the celebrations today as a referendum on the past few months, on the Green Movement. What do you think? Was this a defeat for the Green Movement?Well, they bussed in as many people as they possibly could from many towns and locations -- I even saw them rounding up people myself -- and depositing them at Azadi Square, surrounded by and escorted by thousands of officers. This is while they started beating the others (opposition) starting at 8 am. Of what value is such a pro-government turnout? If they allowed this side (opposition) to gather, they would see how the masses really turn out. For example, at Sadeghi Square, where we were, folks told us they started beating up on them since they started arriving at 8 am. They kept gathering and they kept dispersing them. What value was their [the government's] turnout under these circumstances?The Iranian blogosphere appears to be disappointed by the lack of a Green presence. Some are claiming they are no longer worthy of Mr. Karroubi?No, that's not so. This is not the case. The people were actually very kind. There were gatherings starting at 8 in the morning there. They got beat up pretty bad. When we got there, people warmly gathered around him. But when they were violently attack -- they even pulled a dagger. When a thug pulls a dagger and attempts to attack you with it and with knives and batons.... No, we actually thank the people for their support.Do you think this paves the way for the arrests of Mr. Karroubi and Mr. Mousavi?Until now their [government] actions have been irrational; we hope they proceed in a more rational fashion from this point. I hope such a thing doesn't happen. I hope they don't act in such a disgraceful manner for the whole world to see.if there are arrests, do you believe they will be followed by televised confessions of the opposition leaders?They've already tried really hard to use such tactics and failed. For all their efforts, the many arrests and all the pressure they've put on detainees, they were only able to televise a handful of these so-called confessions.Do you think the arrests of Mr. Karroubi's bodyguards were premeditated?Mr. Karroubi received a letter from [NAJA intelligence] saying that Mr. Karroubi would be the target of a suicide attack and that he shouldn't participate in the march today. And at the same time, they called some of our friends, his entourage in for questioning. They got a written promise from them, agreeing they wouldn't take place in gatherings with Mr. Karroubi anymore. They did everything to dissuade Mr. Karroubi from attending. But when I saw him this morning, he was intent on going to the march.How may Greens do you think showed up and participated today?I really couldn't tell. I was only in the Sadeghiyeh area, which was only one of the paths of the march. The folks there said there were many of them there, but they [authorities] would beat them up and not allow them to gather.Other areas it was the same. I asked around and they said more or less the same thing. They said police forces and vigilantes had a strong presence and they beat up on many people.We're hearing reports that Zahra Rahnavard was beat up. Is this true?I don't know. This is the first I've heard of it.4.44pm: There's talk of more protests tonight at various squares in central Tehran and at the state TV office and Evin prison in northern Tehran.4.47pm: This is the first footage I've seen today of teargas being used against protesters.4.51pm: That's it for today. Thanks for your comments. Look out for more updates soon on our Iran page.IranMir Hossein MousaviMahmoud AhmadinejadAyatollah Ali KhameneiMiddle EastCitizen mediaMatthew Weaverguardian.co.uk © Guardian News & Media Limited 2010 | Use of this content is subject to our Terms & Conditions | More Feeds
http://www.guardian.co.uk/news/blog/2010/feb/11/iran-protests-22-bahman
Mahmoud Ahmadinejad claims Iran is now a 'nuclear state' but insists there is no intention to build nuclear weaponsPresident Mahmoud Ahmadinejad claimed today that Iran has produced its first batch of uranium enriched to a higher level, just two days after it said it began the process as part of its controversial nuclear programme.Ahmadinejad reiterated to hundreds of thousands of cheering Iranians on the anniversary of the 1979 foundation of the Islamic republic that the country was now a "nuclear state", though he insisted Iran had no intention of building nuclear weapons. It was not clear how much of the enriched material had actually been produced.The US and some of its allies accuse Tehran of using its civilian nuclear programme as a cover to build nuclear weapons but Tehran denies the charge, saying the programme is aimed at generating electricity."I want to announce with a loud voice here that the first package of 20% fuel was produced and provided to the scientists," he said, referring to the recently begun process of enriching Iran's uranium stockpile to higher levels.Enriching uranium produces fuel for nuclear power plants but can also be used to create material for atomic weapons if enriched to 90% or more."We have the capability to enrich uranium more than 20% or 80% but we don't enrich [to this level] because we don't need it," he said in a speech broadcast live on state television.Iran announced on Tuesday that it was beginning the process of enriching its uranium stockpile to a higher level. The international community reacted by starting the process to impose new sanctions on Iran.Tehran has said it wants to further enrich the uranium – which is still substantially below the 90%-plus level used in the fissile core of nuclear warheads – as part of a plan to fuel its research reactor that provides medical isotopes to hundreds of thousands of Iranians undergoing cancer treatment.But western countries say Tehran is not capable of turning the material into the fuel rods needed by the reactor and fear that Iran wants to enrich the uranium to make nuclear weapons.Ahmadinejad reiterated Iran's position that it was not seeking to do this."When we say we do not manufacture the bomb, we mean it, and we do not believe in manufacturing a bomb," he told the crowd. "If we wanted to manufacture a bomb, we would announce it ... our nation has the courage to explicitly say it and build it and not fear you [the west]."IranNuclear powerNuclear weaponsguardian.co.uk © Guardian News & Media Limited 2010 | Use of this content is subject to our Terms & Conditions | More Feeds
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2010/feb/11/iran-batch-higher-grade-uranium
Crowds take to the streets of Tehran on the 31st anniversary of the revolution, amid a government crackdown on opposition supporters
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/video/2010/feb/11/iran-marks-anniversary-islamic-revolution
Tehran sentences another activist to death and several others are arrested ahead of national day demonstrationsIranian security forces are deploying in strength in Tehran and across the country to head off what opposition supporters hope will be massive protests to mark tomorrow's anniversary of the Islamic Revolution.New arrests were announced today after another death sentence was handed down for a convicted "rioter" and large numbers of Revolutionary Guards and Basij militia arrived in the capital from outlying areas, opposition sources reported.Official preparations to deal with the latest bout of internal unrest coincide with mounting international tensions after Barack Obama accused Iran on Tuesday of trying to build a nuclear weapon and warned it would face new sanctions within weeks.The regime has repeatedly accused opposition supporters of serving foreign interests.Green movement leader Mir Hossein Mousavi, who claims he, not incumbent hardliner Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, won last June's presidential election, has called for peaceful protests during state-sponsored events marking the 31st anniversary of the 1979 revolution – the most important date in the official calendar."We are closely watching the activities of the sedition movement and several people who were preparing to disrupt the 11 February rallies were arrested," the Fars news agency quoted Tehran's police chief, Esmail Ahmadi-Moghaddam, as saying. "If anyone wants to disrupt this glorious ceremony, they will be confronted by people and we too are fully prepared."Tomorrow's events will take place behind a media blackout, with the few foreign journalists in Tehran operating under severe restrictions. Some 60 Iranian journalist are under arrest, and internet communications have been largely shut down.For the first time loudspeakers have been mounted along the main route of likely protests to drown out opposition slogans. The main official rally will see Ahmadinejad address tens of thousands of government supporters in the capital's Azadi (Freedom) Square. Mousavi has not announced his plans but Mehdi Karroubi, another defeated presidential candidate, said he would take part.Obama's strong words on the nuclear issue raised the stakes in the confrontation between Tehran and the international community, though there are serious doubts about whether China, one of the five permanent members of the UN security council, will back punitive measures."What we are going to be working on over the next several weeks is developing a significant regime of sanctions that will indicate to them (Iran) how isolated they are from the international community as a whole," Obama told reporters in Washington. But the head of Iran's atomic energy organisation, Ali-Akbar Salehi, insisted that an offer to enrich Iran's uranium abroad was "still on the table".Western governments have focused on the nuclear issue but continuing domestic turmoil is attracting closer interest. Possible targets for new sanctions include the central bank, the Revolutionary guards (who control the nuclear programme), shipping firms and the energy sector.Scores of people have been killed and hundreds wounded in protests since the June election. In the most recent flare-up, eight people died in clashes between police and protesters on 27 December when opposition supporters used the annual Shia Ashura ceremonies to stage anti-government rallies. Two opposition leaders, Mohsen Aminzadeh and Behzad Nabavi, were jailed this week.The Iranian revolutionMahmoud AhmadinejadMir Hossein MousaviIranMiddle EastIan Blackguardian.co.uk © Guardian News & Media Limited 2010 | Use of this content is subject to our Terms & Conditions | More Feeds
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2010/feb/10/iran-security-islamic-revolution-rally
• Internet connections in Iran are apparently grinding to a halt ahead of upcoming anti-government protests. Why? Officially, the government is blaming it on the fact that "part of the fibre-optic network is damaged." - by which time the latest round of protests are likely to be over. • It's not often we talk about SAP - the German software giant that, thanks to its huge business market, is one of the world's most powerful technology companies in the world - but the men in suits are in the headlines. Why? Because chief executive Leo Apotheker has suddenly resigned as revenues fell and great rival Oracle continued making ground.• The war between Amazon and Macmillan appears to be over, for now, after the internet retailer started stocking the publisher's books again.You can follow our links and commentary each day through Twitter (@guardiantech, or our personal accounts) or by watching our Delicious feed.InternetCensorshipAmazon.comIranBobbie Johnsonguardian.co.uk © Guardian News & Media Limited 2010 | Use of this content is subject to our Terms & Conditions | More Feeds
http://www.guardian.co.uk/technology/blog/2010/feb/08/breakfast-briefing
As Iranian protesters gear up online again, the state is clamping down with a new state service replacing foreign email accountsSince the disputed election last June, Ahmadinejad's government has sought different ways to further crack down on the internet in Iran. Now, access to almost all reformist websites is blocked, including those of the reformist candidates, Mir Hossein Mousavi and Mehdi Karoubi.Last week Iran launched a national webmail service via iran.ir, intended to replace free foreign webmail services with a domestic one that is easier to control. All government employees are being urged to use it instead of foreign webmail providers. According to the Iranian official figures, 95% of Iranians currently use Yahoo Mail, Gmail and Hotmail accounts.Human rights activists in Iran fear that the national webmail service is part of a bigger plan to localise the internet within Iran's borders although many believe it is too late for Iran to do so effectively.Recently, officials have blocked access to Google Translate, which has provided English to Persian, Persian to English service since June. But, as has happened in China, is filtering Google the next step?Although iran.ir does not yet have the capacity to provide free webmail services for everyone, it will do so shortly. Gmail is reportedly blocked in some parts of Iran and its audio and video attachments are impossible to download. At least 5m websites are filtered in Iran, but for clever users, filtering is pointless; thousands of proxy sites distribute the net's wider content to blogs or email addresses. But even these users have so far been unable to bypass the block on Gmail attachments.You might think that this is only going to inconvenience a few people, but you would be wrong: Iran has nearly a million bloggers, around 10% of whom are active. Iran's native language is also among the top 10 languages used online. The power of the internet in Iran became clear for the world when Iranian protesters used social networking websites such as Facebook and Twitter to cover up the media absence in Iran since June. Journalists have been banned from reporting demonstrations since then.The internet has been a nightmare for Ahmadinejad since he took office the first time in 2005. His government jailed some bloggers and when he was criticised, largely by Iran's huge blogging community, the authorities established samandehi.ir in 2007. This was a site where all bloggers were required to register with the government and provide personal information, including usernames and passwords – otherwise it would be blocked. This led to an outcry among many Iranians who consider the net an independent and free forum for expression. Many protested by publishing "I will not register my blog" banners in their blogs.Samandehi.ir became impractical in reality and the government didn't take it seriously, but thousands of blogs have been banned since then. Last March, just a couple of months before the presidential election, Omid Mir Sayafi, a 29-year-old blogger, committed suicide in the notorious Evin prison in Tehran. He had been sentenced to 30 months for insulting Iran's supreme leader in his blog.But the internet made Ahmadinejad's government angrier when users in Iran spread news of the fraudulent presidential election. Mir Hossein Mousavi asked his supporters to act as an individual media in the absence of free media. Since then Iranian protesters have used the internet to organise demonstrations and exchange information.Meanwhile, the Iranian government tried to police the internet months after the election and for a while stopped people at the airport to check if they were on Facebook. Many have been imprisoned and sentenced since June in Iran on the basis of their Facebook and Twitter profiles.Despite all this intimidation, protesters in Iran are enormously active on the internet. The 31st anniversary of the Islamic Revolution is coming on February 11, and protesters are again organising to exploit the occasion. In the past few days, Iran has partially cut off the internet in different areas of Iran and activists fear that it might be cut off completely on 11 February.Whether Ahmadinejad succeeds or not, it seems that he is not only adopting China as a model for Iran's political future, but as a model for the future of Iran's online community.IranProtestMahmoud AhmadinejadMir Hossein MousaviBloggingTwitterFacebookChinaGoogleMiddle EastSaeed Kamali Dehghanguardian.co.uk © Guardian News & Media Limited 2010 | Use of this content is subject to our Terms & Conditions | More Feeds
http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2010/feb/04/iran-protests-email-google-china
New site aimed at revolutionising shopping is approved by internet-hostile regimeThe internet has long been viewed with suspicion by Iran's Islamic regime: a drive to stifle dissent has seen online speeds slowed to a crawl, websites hacked and filtered, email accounts monitored and a special police force formed to detect internet "crime". But amid a technophobia that has intensified in the face of continuing opposition protests against President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's re-election, officials have now found one cyberspace activity they approve of: e-shopping.A state-linked technology group has established the country's first online supermarket aimed at revolutionising the shopping experience in a country generally lacking the gleaming emporiums that can be found elsewhere.Meydoonak.com is offering 2,500 grocery and household items at competitive prices. The supermarket will initially cover Tehran and operate from 8am till midnight six days a week excluding Fridays, the Islamic day of rest.Managers believe they can woo customers with a home delivery service which is designed to liberate consumers from the chore of shopping in the city's notoriously traffic-congested streets.The supermarket has been launched by the Rouyesh Technical Centre, a group linked to a state-run body, Jahad-e Daneshgahi, which has promoted a host of other hi-tech developments, including animal cloning.The embrace of e-commerce contrasts with a generally hostile official attitude to the internet among Iran's theocratic leadership. The Paris-based group Reporters Without Borders has included Iran among the world's 13 worst enemies of the internet.In recent months Iran has filtered several opposition websites as well as social networking sites such as Facebook in an intensive effort to silence the criticism that greeted Ahmadinejad's disputed election victory last June.IranInternetFacebookRobert Taitguardian.co.uk © Guardian News & Media Limited 2010 | Use of this content is subject to our Terms & Conditions | More Feeds
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2010/feb/04/iran-launches-online-supermarket-internet
Concern over reports of Tehran trial for 24-year-old woman arrested after anti-Ahmadinejad ralliesThe Foreign Office said tonight it was urgently seeking information from Iran's government after reports that a British national was among opposition supporters on trial for taking part in anti-government street protests last year.A 24-year-old woman with dual British and Iranian nationality is one of 16 people being tried in Tehran over the most serious unrest since the disputed election in June returned Mahmoud Ahmadinejad as president, reports from Iran said.At least eight people died when protesters and security forces clashed on 27 December. The Briton, not named by the court, was born in Manchester to a British mother who later converted to Islam, the semi-official Iranian Students News Agency said.A Foreign Office spokesman said: "We are urgently seeking clarification from the Iranian authorities."Five of the 16 opposition backers, whose trial resumed today , face the capital offence of moharebeh, or waging war against God, Reuters reported. A week ago, Iran executed the first two people convicted in connection with anti-government protests.The British woman does not face the death penalty, says ISNA, but the charges include espionage, immoral relations with foreigners, drinking alcohol, and insulting high-ranking officials. She was arrested three weeks ago and is alleged to have sent 40 text messages encouraging people to go to the December protests, during the Shia Muslim festival of Ashura.Some of the charges against the woman appear to relate to an incident last week in which two men, initially identified as German diplomats, suddenly left Iran. According to reports in Germany, they were federal police who were flown home after one had an affair with an Iranian woman, identified separately as the Iranian-British national now on trial. The woman is accused of having gone to parties hosted by German diplomats, at which, she has reportedly acknowledged, "Islamic standards" were not observed. Separately, the woman's lawyer, named as Mohammad Sadegh Sadeghi, told the court she admitted to drinking alcohol, but only some years ago, while in England.Iran's authorities are rushing through trials of opposition backers seemingly as a warning to dissidents not to stage protests on 11 February, when Iran marks the 31st anniversary of the Islamic revolution.Iran has repeatedly blamed Britain and other western nations for secret agitation within the opposition protest movement, which insists that last year's election was rigged to favour Ahmadinejad. Shortly after the Ashura protests, Iran's intelligence minister, Heydar Moslehi, said several foreign nationals were arrested for "pursuing propaganda and psychological warfare".Among those tried in the first wave of judicial hearings after the anti-government protests was Hossein Rassam, chief political analyst at the UK embassy in Tehran. He was convicted of orchestrating the mass protests– which Britain vehemently rejects – and is on bail awaiting an appeal against his four-year jail term.While most of the thousands of opposition supporters detained during the protests have been freed, more than 80 people have been jailed for up to 15 years and five have been sentenced to death.IranIslamForeign policyProtestPeter WalkerRobert Taitguardian.co.uk © Guardian News & Media Limited 2010 | Use of this content is subject to our Terms & Conditions | More Feeds
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2010/feb/03/iran-trial-british-protester-24-year-old
Tony Blair's testimony on Iraq electrified the nation. What did he say - and how often did he say it?• Get the dataIt was the TV political event of the year. Former prime minister Tony Blair appearing before the Iraq war inquiry headed by Lord Chilcot. For an entire day last week, Blair answered - or not, depending on your view - the panel's questioning.The full transcript has just been released by the inquiry, as a pdf (obviously - when will official bodies stop relying on pdfs?). And what is clear is that some themes mattered to him more than others. Thanks to the ever-wonderful Wordle.net, this is what that testimony looked like.We've extracted just the words that Tony Blair used - not the questions - so you can really get a sense of his thinking. But, just to make it easy for you, we've also got the full transcript of the hearing as a Google doc.There's a list of his top 200 words below too - see the attached spreadsheet. And a selection of them are summarised below.Take a look and see if you can do something with them.Download the data• DATA: download the full list as a spreadsheet• Full text of the Blair transcriptCan you do something with this data?Flickr Please post your visualisations and mash-ups on our Flickr group or mail us at datastore@guardian.co.ukWorld government data• Search the world's government datasets• More environment data• Get the A-Z of data• More at the Datastore directory• Follow us on TwitterSummary tablesIraqIraq war inquiryTony BlairIranSimon Rogersguardian.co.uk © Guardian News & Media Limited 2010 | Use of this content is subject to our Terms & Conditions | More Feeds
http://www.guardian.co.uk/news/datablog/2010/feb/03/tony-blair-iraq-inquiry-testimony-chilcot
Are US sanctions against Iranian airlines punishing the state or simply endangering innocent passengers?The stakes were dramatically raised in the Middle East at the weekend by news that the US is deploying defensive missile systems throughout the Gulf. Writing in the Guardian, Robert Tait warned that the deployment "may strengthen radical elements in the revolutionary guards". It is for this reason that President Obama should realise the importance of balancing bigger sticks with bigger carrots, including the reduction of sanctions against Iranian civilian airlines.Last month more than 40 passengers were injured when an Iranian Tupolev 154 crash-landed at Mashhad. Another Russian-built Tupolev crashed last year en route to Armenia, killing all 168 on board. Iran has a poor aviation safety record, with numerous crashes since US aviation sanctions prevented it from buying more reliable western planes in 1995. The question that arises from these incidents is whether banning civilian airline parts represents "smart" sanctions that are intended to maximise the pressure on the ruling regime while limiting their unintended side effects, or whether it puts the lives of innocent travellers of all nationalities at risk.At the end of 2009 the head of Iran's Civil Aviation Organisation, Reza Nakhjavani, criticised the American ban as inhumane and tantamount to denying the country medical supplies. Yet according to the Carnegie Institute the initial logic of the Iran Sanctions Act was to "curb the strategic threat of Iran" with particular focus on the developing energy sector. Although development of the energy sector has been somewhat stunted, Iran's reliance on Russia and China to fill in for the US has the unintended consequence of making it a lot harder to find security council consensus on dealing with the country.The 1995 sanctions against Iran prohibited military technology or militarily useful technology to the country. The difficulty with the latter is that it opens up the confusion concerning how sanctions should dealing with potential "dual use" materials. Parts that could be used to repair Iran's ailing civilian fleet could be cannibalised and perhaps used by the Iranian military. In their paper on the 1990s, a period they described as the "sanctions decade", David Cortright and George Lopez stressed the importance of minimising the humanitarian impacts. The fundamental purpose of sanctions, they said, "should be bringing states back into the international arena through constructive engagement".A report prepared for the International Civil Aviation Organisation (ICAO) in 2005 warned that American sanctions against Iran were placing civilian lives in danger by denying Iranian aviation necessary spare parts. The report said the US government and major US companies were ignoring international treaties and taking actions that put passengers on Iranian commercial airlines at risk, including thousands of people from other countries travelling to and from Iran. Last year, the former director of the atomic agency, Mohamed ElBaradei, described the prospect of further sanctions on Iran as ineffective.Iranian airlines do not suffer alone. Last year Syria's attempt to escape western isolation was dealt a blow when the US blocked French attempts to upgrade Syria's national carrier with Airbuses. Syria stopped flying Boeings to and from London in 2006 due to US sanctions on spare parts. I remember flying one of the last Syrian Air 747s from London to Damascus: seats were dislodged from the floor and the descent started hours from Damascus to minimise stress on the plane's ageing parts.As the debate rumbles on over escalating sanctions against Iran it is worth remembering their terrible track record across the region. Sanctions against Iraq killed thousands of innocents (Columbia's Richard Garfield estimated the most likely number of excess deaths among children under five years of age from 1990 to March 1998 to be 227,000) and allowed Saddam Hussein to control what little was allowed into the country. Although they were certainly effective in reducing the capabilities of the Iraqi military, they weakened the state to such an extent that the 2003 regime change resulted in its almost total disintegration.Considering the clear dangers of the failed state/ungoverned space hypothesis that justifies the Afghan mission, it seems hard to understand advocating the creation of a similar arena in Iran. The Foreign Office speaks of a desire to "foster links between the Iranian people and the British people – there is much potential for educational, scientific, sporting and cultural exchanges". Obama has tried desperately, and so far unsuccessfully, to reach out to Iran and the Iranian people, emphasising the "common humanity that binds us together" in a New Year message.Replacing rhetoric with the very real gesture of selling a number of safe civilian airliners would show that Obama is serious when he says he wants to improve ties to the Iranian people. As Saeed Kamali Dehghan recently wrote in the Guardian: "I'm not the Iranian government, I'm an ordinary Iranian and the sanctions are just crippling me."IranUS foreign policyAir transportHuman rightsMiddle EastUnited StatesJames Denselowguardian.co.uk © Guardian News & Media Limited 2010 | Use of this content is subject to our Terms & Conditions | More Feeds
http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/cifamerica/2010/feb/01/iran-sanctions-us-airline
Deployment may strengthen repressive regime in Tehran and could lead to action against US interests in regionIran greeted news of the US plans to station missile defences in neighbouring Arab states with a stony official silence today. While the development went unreported by the two official news agencies, IRNA and Fars, the closest thing to a government response was a comment from a hardline MP, Hassan Sobhani-niya, that the matter would "probably" be discussed by the parliament's national security and foreign policy committee on Tuesday.Yet behind the exterior of affected insouciance, the move will have injected a new sense of urgency into decision-making in Tehran. "The reaction in Iran will be serious," said one experienced Iranian analyst, who requested anonymity.The Islamic regime has been given the clearest sign yet that the Obama administration's tentative policy of engaging diplomatically has been unequivocally scrapped in favour of a reversion to the hard-nosed confrontation that has been standard fare between the two countries for the past 30 years.US officials have been privately admitting as much in recent weeks, citing the brutal crackdown on the opposition green movement and what they see as continued Iranian intransigence in failing to accept a western proposal to resolve the standoff over Iran's uranium enrichment programme.The US deployment may strengthen radical elements in the revolutionary guards, who have advocated an aggressive response beyond Iran's borders if Arab Gulf states allow American military bases on their territory. That could mean taking action against US interests in the region – which are visible and numerous, given the American troop presence in Iraq and Afghanistan."The official line in Iran is that if the Persian Gulf countries co-operate with our enemies against us, we reserve the right to defend ourselves even by attacking them," the analyst said. "Normally what the Iranian officials do in such circumstances is start reaching out to their allies in the region. After the Iraq war, the revolutionary guard carried out research into the Iraq experience and one lesson they drew was that the biggest mistake Saddam Hussein made was in trying to defend himself inside Iraqi territory."They concluded that if they are threatened, they will try to defend themselves not only inside Iran but also outside its borders."By this logic, the US presence in the Gulf and the wider Middle East presents an opportunity as well as a threat. "They consider that the Americans have allies and bases that are potential targets for such action, while at the same time they regard it as a danger," the analyst said. "It's very complicated and such military policies can really provide many problems in the region."An intensified US presence also threatens to change the calculus of Iran's already unstable domestic politics. With the regime already putting opposition activists on trial for the capital crime of mohareb (fighting against God) after last month's Ashura disturbances, hardliners may now have an additional pretext to clamp down even more fiercely on supporters of Mir Hossein Mousavi and Mehdi Karroubi, the two reformist candidates who insist President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad stole last June's presidential election.Mousavi, Karroubi and other opposition figures have put out feelers in recent weeks for a rapprochement with conservatives that could isolate the extremist figures around Ahmadinejad. That may be harder to achieve now if hardliners capitalise on the US deployment to play up the danger of a "velvet revolution" aimed at toppling Iran's Islamic system.Accordingly, it may provide the cover they need to go all out to destroy the green movement.Once again, Saddam's experience provides a telling precedent that has not gone unnoticed. The revolutionary guard's studies of the Iraqi experience have chalked up the lesson that Saddam stayed in power despite suffering military defeat by a US-led coalition in 1991 after his invasion of Kuwait because there was no alternative to his regime. In 2003, by contrast, he was deposed because – according to the Iranian narrative – the Americans had been able to identify a potential new regime.Iran's hardliners have sworn to avoid the same fate.IranUnited StatesNuclear weaponsMiddle EastRobert Taitguardian.co.uk © Guardian News & Media Limited 2010 | Use of this content is subject to our Terms & Conditions | More Feeds
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2010/jan/31/iran-hardliners-us-missile-move
Khamenei rules by fear and is himself terrified of reform. The less secure he feels, the more he reaches out to the westIran's clerical regime governs by a simple formula: he who is the most frightening, wins. "Victory by terrifying" is a trope that is present in many of supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei's speeches. Indeed, it is a reliable guide to his political philosophy.This view was not invented by Khamenei, but rather is drawn from the Qur'an and the Shia tradition. The Iranian Revolutionary Guard have uniforms bearing a Qur'anic verse that reads: "Make ready for them whatever force and strings of horses you can, to terrify thereby the enemy of God and your enemy, and others besides them that you know not; God knows them." Furthermore, in the Shia tradition, the strategy of the Mahdi, the Shia messiah, will be to intimidate all his enemies upon his return to Earth.But cultivating fear in others also makes one more susceptible to fear, and nothing is more frightening to Khamenei and the leaders of the Islamic Republic than the social dynamism unleashed by the democratic movement brewing inside the country.The regime seems convinced that there is only a small likelihood of a military attack on its nuclear programme. It does not believe that sanctions can bring about its collapse. Thus, external forces do not appear to pose much of a threat.What has shaken the government, and indeed threatens the existence of the ruling Islamic ideology, is the pressure of the Iranian people for human and political rights. Hossein Saffar Harandi, a former minister of culture and Islamic guidance, expressed this fear when he said that "citizens who want the government to be accountable before the people [are] part of a soft war against the Islamic Republic."For 30 years, the Islamic Republic has relied on the heavy hand of the internal-security apparatus to silence dissidents and critics. Fear is a cornerstone of the republic. But, since Iran's post-election crisis in June, the people have become fearless, and in turn are terrifying the government.The extent to which Khamenei fears this social upsurge is stunning. He is afraid of the humanities, books, arts, universities, satellites, the internet, and even mobile phones. For him, the state must control public access to global culture and technology. If not, these forces will work to undermine the state.Unlike the Islamic Republic's founder, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, Khamenei lacks charisma and deep learning. Both his political legitimacy and religious authority are highly questionable, and the street violence and prison brutality of recent months has undermined his authority and shaken his social base. Increasingly reliant on the Revolutionary Guard as the bulwark of his regime, Khamenei has cut himself off from the possibility of compromise.Khamenei's foreign policy is now completely subject to how the domestic situation in Iran develops. As recent months have shown, he will consider a compromise with the west only when he loses his certainty that all is under control internally. It is like a seesaw: Khamenei's domestic weakness changes the balance of Iran's foreign policy.Thus, initially intimidated by the post-election crisis, the regime acceded to the October 1 proposal in Geneva that would have allowed the controlled enrichment of Iran's uranium outside the country. In November, when the government thought that street brutality had intimidated the protest movement, Iranian officials backed away from the compromise.In this sense, the Iranian people can be regarded as a strategic ally of the west, not only because they want democracy at home and peace in the region, but because their continued protests offer the west the most effective leverage against the Islamic Republic's nuclear programme.This regime cannot survive in the long term with a political crisis such as the one it now faces. Continued crackdowns would result in a military dictatorship, while an accommodation with the protest movement would produce some kind of consensual semi-democratic government. In either case, however, the democratic movement would not die. It would re-emerge continuously, despite heavy repression over short periods of times, raising the kinds of challenges that pose an existential threat to any non-democratic government.Support of human rights and democracy in Iran is not only a matter of morality. It should be a strategic priority for the west. Empowering the Iranian people means weakening Khamenei and his military allies. And a weakened Khamenei is more likely to compromise on the nuclear front.Copyright: Project Syndicate, 2010.Middle EastIranMehdi Khalajiguardian.co.uk © Guardian News & Media Limited 2010 | Use of this content is subject to our Terms & Conditions | More Feeds
http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2010/jan/21/iran-republic-fear-democratic-movement
We want to put a face to each of those hundreds - possibly thousands - killed or arrested since the Iranian electionSimon Jeffery
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/interactive/2009/jun/29/iran-election-dead-detained
Corporation supports formal complaint after signal jamming and removal of Persian service from satelliteIran is facing mounting international protests about its jamming of the BBC's Persian TV service (PTV) after the channel – which has millions of viewers and is hugely popular with opposition supporters – was taken off a satellite owned by Europe's leading operator.The BBC said today it was "actively supporting" a formal complaint to the International Telecommunication Union, a UN-affiliated body, about "deliberate interference" from Iran. The ITU confirmed it had received representations from regulators in France, home to Eutelsat, owner of the Hotbird 6 satellite, which transmitted PTV until the end of last month.The German state broadcaster, Deutsche Welle, said it too would protest about interference with its Persian-language radio broadcasts. Voice of America Persian TV programmes have also been jammed.The BBC said it was telling viewers how to adjust their satellite dishes to receive programmes via two other satellites that are out of range of Iranian jamming.Eutelsat says PTV was removed from Hotbird 6 "in agreement" with the BBC, though sources close to the affair say the operator caved in to commercial and legal pressures from other customers broadcasting on the same transponder.Another Eutelsat satellite, Hotbird 8, provides capacity to Iranian state media channels, including English-language Press TV, which has offices in London.Iranian opposition supporters are accusing satellite companies of "siding with dictators". Eutelsat and GlobeCast, a France Télécom subsidiary which leases bandwidth from Eutelsat — and which made the decision to take down PTV — refuse to say publicly that the Iranian government is responsible for the jamming."It makes me angry that we are the victims of jamming by the Iranian government and the Iranian government is still able to use Hotbird for its own programmes," said one BBC source. "We are the victims and they are the perpetrators."PTV was launched a year ago this week to Iranian fury. Sporadic jamming began after last June's disputed presidential elections but intensified in late December, after the death of Grand Ayatollah Hossein Ali Montazeri, a revered cleric associated with the opposition, which triggered a new round of demonstrations.Tehran has repeatedly attacked PTV as an arm of the British government, which it accuses of seeking to foment a "velvet revolution".Last week, it included the BBC on a list of 60 "subversive" international organisations. Britain and Iran are at odds over Iran's nuclear programme, Israel, and other Middle Eastern issues. The Foreign Office called the jamming "a clear attempt to infringe the right of Iranians to watch the TV channel of their choice".The BBC said it was exploring other options with Eutelsat. "We will try every avenue to give our large audiences in Iran the television news services that they want," said Peter Horrocks, the BBC World Service director.Iran has gone to extraordinary lengths to block TV broadcasts it considers hostile. Signals transmitted from the US, beyond reach of Iranian jamming, have occasionally been jammed from Cuban territory.But hopes of a response from Tehran to these latest complaints are slim as the Geneva-based ITU has no enforcement power and is widely seen as toothless.Iranian viewers are angry and frustrated. "We Iranians are now under repression," one PTV fan said. "We are passing another turning point in our history and we need unbiased news more than ever."Another told the BBC: "People have been left with an utter lack of information … Perhaps you don't realise the extent of your influence on Iranian society.""Iranians keep asking me why the west is so powerless," Sadeq Saba, head of PTV, wrote on his blog. "They say: 'This is a rogue government jamming international signals. How will the west stop Iran getting nuclear weapons if they can't deal with this?'"IranBBCSatellitesMiddle EastIan Blackguardian.co.uk © Guardian News & Media Limited 2010 | Use of this content is subject to our Terms & Conditions | More Feeds
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2010/jan/14/bbc-joins-iran-tv-protest
The death of a scientist is another blow to officials charged with maintaining the secrecy of Iran's nuclear programmeAt 10:13 am this morning, the Tehran-based Fars news agency reported that Masoud Ali Mohammadi, a prominent physics lecturer, had been killed by a "terrorist act". According to the report, he was killed by a remote control bomb placed in a motorcycle. The bomb exploded as he left his house in the semi-upmarket Gheytariye neighborhood of Tehran.One hour and nine minutes later, at 11:22 am Tehran time, the same news agency, this time quoting Tehran's chief prosecutor, declared that the victim was in fact a nuclear scientist. According to the same report, the booby-trapped motorcycle which killed him was placed next to his car. The blast was strong enough to smash nearby windows. The news was subsequently picked up by the Tehran-based Press TV.Masoud Ali Mohammadi was a well known lecturer at Tehran University. He specialised in quantum physics and had received his PhD in 1992 from the prestigious Sharif University.This morning the offices of the Oghab-2 counter intelligence bureau must have been be buzzing with questions, and concerns. This bureau was specifically established in December 2005 to prevent information regarding Iran's nuclear programme, its scientists and installations, from falling in the hands of foreign intelligence agencies and domestic opposition groups.The probability that Mohammadi was assassinated by an Iranian opposition group such as the People's Mujahideen (MKO) may be small. However it can not be dismissed. The MKO have assassinated senior military officials in broad daylight before. A famous example was the assassination of General Ali Seyyed Shirazi, the chief of staff of the Iranian army, on his doorstep in April 1999. Although normally they would have a lot to gain by targeting a political figure, such as a senior politician, assassinating a nuclear scientist could also be beneficial to them. Such people would be highly prized targets, and their elimination a severe embarrassment for Ahmadinejad government. It would also send a strong message to Tehran's government about the increasing intelligence-gathering capabilities of the group.It is also possible that Mohammadi was assassinated by a foreign intelligence agency.Should that be the case, this recent incident comes amid a series of setbacks for the Oghab- 2 counter intelligence bureau.First was the mysterious death of Ardeshir Hassanpour, a nuclear scientist in January 2007. According to the Times of London, he was assassinated. This was followed by the disappearance of General Ali Reza Asgari in March 2007. Some believe that he defected to the US.And this year Shahram Amiri, a nuclear scientist, disappeared during a pilgrimage to Saudi Arabia. Some believe he defected, while other reports talk about his kidnapping. Either scenario does not bode well for Iran's intelligence community.This was then followed by the exposure of the secret nuclear site in Fordo, near Qom, by President Obama.Setbacks for Iran's intelligence apparatus against their western counterparts are bound to weaken Tehran's hands in its dealings with the west. They show that the western intelligence community is making progress in penetrating Iran's nuclear programme.This means that Iran's nuclear goals and capabilities are going to become more clearly known, making it more difficult for them to develop a strong bargaining position.In fact it is very possible that this is one of the reasons why the US is insisting that Iran transfers 75% of its low enriched Uranium (LEU) in one batch to Russia and then to France for conversion to nuclear fuel.One can not rule the possibility that US intelligence officials, via their own resources or through intelligence agencies, have discovered that Iran is running out of yellowcake, which is needed to make LEU. Therefore once the 1200kg of LEU becomes nuclear fuel, Iran will no longer be able to produce a bomb, as it will not have the amount of LEU required at its disposal. And this could be the reason why Iran is insisting to transfer the LEU in batches. Tehran may be hoping that by dragging out the process, it might find new sources. The fact that Tehran was caught recently trying to buy yellowcake in Kazakhstan adds weight to this possibility.Since George Bush left office, many people have begun to dismiss the possibility of a US attack against Iran.Judging by today's event, the same can not be said about an intelligence war against Iran. Obama is no Bush, but he is no pacifist either. It is possible that he, alongside other allies, is going to rely more and more on intelligence as an alternative to military action. With domestic problems increasing at home, this will disappoint Ayatollah Khamenei, as such operations do not provide him with much needed excuses to try and rally the public around the flag.IranMiddle EastForeign policyNuclear weaponsMeir Javedanfarguardian.co.uk © Guardian News & Media Limited 2010 | Use of this content is subject to our Terms & Conditions | More Feeds
http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2010/jan/12/iran-nuclear-scientist-mohammadi
Hackers target Baidu sparking retaliatory attack from Chinese hackers, but online battle puzzles internet usersHackers calling themselves the "Iranian Cyber Army" paralysed China's biggest search engine this morning, sparking a bizarre online battle as Chinese hackers apparently retaliated by targeting Iranian sites.Last month the group attacked Twitter, which has been used by Iranian opposition supporters. But Beijing and Tehran are allies and it was not immediately obvious why hackers targeted Baidu, which commands over 60% of the search market in China.Some Chinese internet users speculated that it might be in retaliation against Chinese Twitter users who have used a #CN4Iran hashtag to express their support for reformists. Although Twitter is blocked in China, it is used by several thousand people there through proxies or virtual private networks (VPN)."It's the same warning showed to twitter.com … but I'm not very sure how you would connect this to #CN4Iran. Baidu is a very weird choice," said Michael Anti, an influential Chinese blogger.The search engine is widely regarded as having good relations with the Beijing government and has never been associated with sensitive content. That led other internet users to speculate that foreign hackers were attempting to discredit Iran.China's state-run People's Daily website reported that Baidu's website began redirecting to a site attributed to the Iranian Cyber Army at around 8am (midnight GMT). The People's Daily site published a screen grab showing a message reading "This site has been hacked by the Iranian Cyber Army", alongside a picture of the Iranian flag.Other users said they could not open the Baidu site, but it was back up and running by around 11.30am. In a statement, the company said: "Services on Baidu's main website www.baidu.com were interrupted today due to external manipulation of its DNS (Domain Name Server) in the US. Baidu has been resolving this issue and the majority of services have been restored."As news of the attack spread, other hackers targeted Iranian websites.On the room98.ir website, beneath a large Chinese flag, a message from the "Chinese Honker Team" read: "This morning your Iranian Cyber Army intrusion [sic] our baidu.com … Please tell your so-called Iranian Cyber Army … Don't intrusion Chinese website about the United States authorities to intervene the internal affairs of Iran's response … This is a warning!"A message on the iribu.ir website read: "The People's Republic of China long live … Oppose splitting Safeguarding unity."Other targets reportedly included the website of a national wrestling team."They seem to be choosing them randomly – the content is in Farsi, so they don't necessarily know what they are," said Anti.Although the message left on Twitter by the Iranian Cyber Army suggested it was sympathetic to the government, experts told Reuters last month that it was unlikely Tehran was involved.HackingChinaIranSearch enginesTania Braniganguardian.co.uk © Guardian News & Media Limited 2010 | Use of this content is subject to our Terms & Conditions | More Feeds
http://www.guardian.co.uk/technology/2010/jan/12/iranian-hackers-chinese-search-engine
• Former chief prosecutor blamed in MPs' report• Three activists died at detention centreIranian MPs lifted a blanket of official denial on the country's post-election upheaval today by blaming a senior regime insider for abuses that led to the deaths of at least three prisoners in a detention centre.In the first publicly documented admission that abuses occurred in the weeks after President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's disputed re-election, the majlis, Iran's parliament, identified Saeed Mortazavi, Tehran's former chief prosecutor, as the main culprit in the scandal over the Kahrizak facility.A report read out to MPs said 147 prisoners had been held in a 70-square-metre room for four days without proper ventilation, heating and food on Mortazavi's orders. The prisoners were sent to Kahrizak after being arrested at a demonstration on 9 July, less than a month after Ahmadinejad's victory.The facility, which was intended only for violent criminals and drug traffickers, was closed on the orders of Iran's supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, after it emerged that three inmates had died, including the son of a distinguished government scientist.Today's report dismissed a claim from Mortazavi that the prisoners had died from meningitis and acknowledged that they had been assaulted.The deaths were caused by "limitation of space, poor sanitary conditions, inappropriate nutrition, heat, lack of ventilation and … also as a result of physical attacks", the report said.It added: "The detainees were kept for four days … in [a 70 sq m] room without proper ventilation, suitable food and sanitary conditions and also in very hard, punitive conditions."Prisoners were also made to share accommodation with inmates who had been convicted of violent and drug-related crimes.Conditions at Kahrizak became a scandal after the deaths of Mohsen Ruholamini – whose father headed Iran's Louis Pasteur Institute – and two other prisoners, Muhammad Kamrani and Amir Javadifar.Opposition websites reported that Khamenei acted after a pro-regime photographer, Saeed Sadaghi, told him that he had been raped in Kahrizak after being swept up in the mass arrests. The majlis's report "strongly rejected" that rape or sexual assault had taken place.The report was commissioned by a parliamentary committee set up by the Speaker, Ali Larijani, a rival of Ahmadinejad.Mortazavi, who is believed to have lobbied MPs not to implicate him, originally said the prisoners had died of meningitis and said inoculation kits had been sent to detention centres to stop the condition from spreading. He also claimed Kahrizak did not fall under his jurisdiction and that he only sent detainees there because of insufficient space at Evin prison, Tehran's main penal facility.But the meningitis claim was dismissed by an examining doctor, Ramin Pourandarjani, who refused to certify it as the cause of death until he was arrested and forced to do so. Pourandarjani himself died mysteriously in November after being charged with failing to properly treat the prisoners. A postmortem said he died after eating a poisoned salad.The report rejected Mortazavi's disclaimers of responsibility and cited a letter from the office of the former judiciary chief, Mahmoud Hashemi Shahroudi, less than two years ago specifically giving him jurisdiction."The denial of some judiciary officials of responsibility are by no means acceptable and – more than any other branch – it is the judiciary which should be accountable for the shortcomings and weaknesses of this centre," the report said.Mortazavi has since been moved to head Iran's counter-smuggling agency. But by naming and shaming him, the report is implicitly aiming a shot across the bows of Ahmadinejad, one of Mortazavi's staunchest supporters.The report raised the possibility that some officials were willing to sacrifice Mortazavi in an effort to contain further unrest. But it made no mention of Iran's deputy police chief, Brigadier General Ahmad Reza Radan, who is said to have supervised torture sessions at Kahrizak, which included spraying prisoners with water and beating them with electric cables.Hossein Bastani, an Iranian political analyst, said there was no guarantee Mortazavi would face further punishment. "It doesn't mean he will be sacrificed by the regime or that he will face arrest," Bastani said. "The parliament might have decided to sacrifice Mortazavi, but he has powerful supporters inside the regime and the most important of these are people like Ahmadinejad."There are two shades of opinion inside the regime about how to react to further protests. One says those like Mortazavi who commit crimes should be tried to calm the situation. But others say that if you try some who are trying to crush the demonstrations you will make the others who are also responsible feel insecure."IranHuman rightsRobert Taitguardian.co.uk © Guardian News & Media Limited 2010 | Use of this content is subject to our Terms & Conditions | More Feeds
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2010/jan/10/iran-prisoners-abuse-jail
Political change in Tehran is not just a moral matter. It's our best hope of achieving Obama's nuclear objectivesWhile the west has been on holiday, Iranians have again risked their lives to protest against an increasingly desperate, oppressive regime. America and Europe now need to consider urgently if our Iran policy is still the right one.Seven months after a rigged election, the political struggle inside Iran not merely continues but becomes sharper. The number of demonstrators may not be as large as it was last summer, but those who persist are bolder, angrier and more radical. This is no longer just about the fraudulent re-election of President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad; it is about the policies and authority of the Supreme Leader himself, as he increasingly relies on the naked force of the Basij militia and the Revolutionary Guards.The office of the Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, says those who protest are "enemies of God" and will be punished accordingly. Defying all taboos, radical demonstrators reply by comparing him to the Caliph Yazid, responsible for the death of Muhammad's grandson Hussein, and hence the original hate-figure of Shia Islam. Though Khamenei's most formidable clerical critic, Grand Ayatollah Ali Montazeri, recently died, other senior clerics do not conceal their hostility to the path Khamenei has taken.As former supporters of the regime peel away, close relatives of leading reformists and of the Nobel peace prizewinner Shirin Ebadi are arrested, in a practice of intimidation that recalls the Nazis' Sippenhaft. The nephew of the presidential candidate Mir Hossein Mousavi is shot dead in what looks like a targeted assassination. At least 14 other people die in bloody clashes that defile religious ceremonies to mark the death of Hussein in the year 680CE – and that of Montazeri in 2009CE. Martyrdom is piled upon martyrdom. Alas, some protesters abandon their earlier velvet discipline, to meet violence with violence. Comparisons to the revolution that toppled the shah in 1979 may still be hyperbolic, but this is the deepest crisis of the Islamic Republic since that revolution in which it was born.True, the regime has not yet cracked down with all the force theoretically at its disposal. Some speculate this is because it is not sure it can rely on the rank and file of the Revolutionary Guards, let alone of the army. Moreover, a deteriorating economy is likely to exacerbate popular discontent, beyond the country's already angry educated youth. When Ahmadinejad has to start cutting the lavish consumer subsidies that he could only afford because of high oil prices, his own working-class and rural supporters will no longer have much to thank him for.This is one of those proto-revolutionary situations where, because its development depends on the interaction of unpredictable mass behaviour and regime decisions taken by a very small circle behind closed doors, nobody – not even the best Iranian expert in the world – knows which way things will go. But one thing is certain: this is an Iranian crisis, made in Iran, and to be resolved by Iranians. The 60 so-called subversive western organisations just anathemised by Iran's intelligence ministry, including at No 27 "Yale university" and at No 50 "Yale university and all its affiliates", have little or nothing to do with it.After seven months of deepening regime crisis, however, America and Europe do need to adjust their policy sets. Since he came to power last January, President Barack Obama has been single-mindedly intent on trying to prevent the Islamic Republic from acquiring nuclear weapons. He has adopted a twin-track approach in which the offer of negotiation, without preconditions, is linked to the threat of tighter sanctions if those negotiations do not succeed. In a year, this has got almost nowhere. Meanwhile, the people of Iran have shaken their regime to its foundations. Obama himself has just spoken out to condemn Iran's "iron fist of brutality".Now, the twin-track approach on the nuclear issue was right a year ago and it is not altogether wrong now. But something big has changed in the meantime. The truth is that the best chance we have of stopping Iran's covert march to the threshold of becoming a nuclear weapons state is a change in the way Iran is governed. What so many Iranians want is a political system that is more open to its own people and to the world; one in which the representative, republican parts of the Islamic Republic's hybrid constitution gain the upper hand.Such a system would almost certainly produce a government more open to negotiation with the rest of the world, and more likely to abide by the results of such a negotiation than the present one is. That is now a better bet than the implausible notion that China and Russia will agree to UN sanctions sufficiently stringent to bring this unstable, hyper-nationalist regime – which thrives on images of western imperialist encirclement – to give up its covert pursuit of the capacity to make nuclear weapons, as well as its support for cross-border terrorism, kidnappings etc. Yet recent interviews with senior members of the Obama administration suggest that they want to try to exploit the weakness of the Iranian regime to win some inches on the nuclear negotiation, neglecting the mile that might be gained by political change. That is the wrong balance.There is not all that much we can do directly to help political change inside Iran – beyond keeping open the channels of information and communication, including the internet, satellite television and mobile phone networks, on which Iranians rely to tell each other what is happening in their own country. But through those very channels, Iranians also listen carefully to what the west is saying. At this critical moment, it would be shaming if what Iranians who are risking their lives for more freedom heard was, in effect, "the west only really cares about the nuclear issue". And that would only be reinforced by photographs of their leaders meeting with high European and American officials – again to talk only about the nuclear issue.Words and images matter as well as diplomatic deeds. Sometimes they matter more, especially when the diplomatic deeds are going nowhere. At this moment, the message Europe and America together should send to Iran is: "We are keen to negotiate, without preconditions, with a great nation that we wish to welcome back into the wider community of nations. But so long as Iran's current rulers are treating their own people like this, so long as they are flagrantly violating their citizens' basic, universal (not just western) human rights, so long as the hand they extend to us has just been wiped clean of a protestor's blood – we are in no hurry to shake it." That message would accord better with both our values and our long-term interests.Since Obama seems wedded to his current tactics, and since Europe has more economic leverage than the US in Iran, it is Europe that should take the lead on this. And isn't Europe supposed to have a new, stronger, more united foreign policy, articulated by a new high representative, Catherine Ashton? Step forward, Lady Ashton. In Europe's name, take on the torturers. Show us what you can do.IranUS foreign policyObama administrationProtestNuclear weaponsMiddle EastTimothy Garton Ashguardian.co.uk © Guardian News & Media Limited 2010 | Use of this content is subject to our Terms & Conditions | More Feeds
http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2010/jan/06/protests-shame-west-iran-nuclear
Authorities in Iran intensified their campaign to blame the country's political turmoil on foreigners today by banning contact with more than 60 international organisations.The intelligence ministry said the blacklist included thinktanks, universities and broadcasting organisations identified as waging a "soft war" aimed at toppling Iran's Islamic system.It forbade Iranians from talking to or receiving aid from the proscribed organisations, including the BBC, which last year launched a Farsi satellite television channel, as well as two US government-funded outlets, Voice of America and Radio Farda, both of which broadcast in Farsi.Also on the list were Wilton Park, a British group that organises foreign policy conferences, Yale University and leading American thinktanks, including the Brookings Institution and the George Soros Open Society Foundation.While there have been previous cases of Iranians being arrested or harassed over involvement with some of the named organisations, there has never before been an extensive formal list.The ban also included an Iranian reformist website, Rah-e Sabz, which has been a news source for international media during the recent unrest, which foreign journalists have been restricted from covering.An unnamed deputy intelligence minister for foreign affairs was quoted by the state news agency, Irna, as describing Rah-e Sabz as "counter-revolutionary". Contact was "prohibited and considered as co-operation with foreign overthrowing organisations", he said.The minister said the contact ban was a response to what he said was a concerted western policy of undermining the Islamic system through reaching out to influential "special groups", including experts, artists and academics, under the cover of cultural and scientific exchanges."Our revolution has become a target to be overthrown by the intelligence services of some countries, particularly America and Britain, and they have established soft invasion and overthrow strategies against the Islamic republic of Iran," he said. "They have allocated extraordinary formal budgets to fulfil this aim."Iranians were also banned from unspecified "irregular contact" with foreign embassies or foreign citizens.The blacklist was published after the intelligence minister, Heydar Moslehi, said on Monday that foreign and dual nationals had been among those arrested amid violent disturbances that broke out during last month's Ashura ceremonies. No detained foreign citizens have been named, although one was said to have been carrying a British passport.Senior clerics and others have been urging the government to try opposition leaders as mohareb, or those fighting against God – a charge carrying the death penalty.The prospect of those identified as protest leaders being executed was heightened by the interior minister, Mostafa Muhammad Najjar, who told Irna: "After Ashura, anyone who takes part in riots will be considered as mohareb.Gholamhossein Elham, the official spokesman for Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's government, raised the possibility of repeating the public mass trials of opposition activists which followed last June's disputed presidential election. "Holding an open trial for the leaders of the sedition will disgrace the leaders of the grand sin in history," he said.Separately, Ahmadinejad's website was unobtainabletoday after reportedly being hacked. Those trying to enter saw the message: "Dear God, In 2009 you took my favourite singer Michael Jackson, my favourite actress Farrah Fawcett, my favourite actor Patrick Swayze, my favourite voice Neda. Please don't forget my favourite politician Ahmadinejad and favourite dictator Khamenei [Iran's supreme leader] in the year 2010. Thank you."IranBBCRobert Taitguardian.co.uk © Guardian News & Media Limited 2010 | Use of this content is subject to our Terms & Conditions | More Feeds
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2010/jan/05/iran-bans-contacts-foreign-organisations
Shia cleric, Qais al-Khazali, freed from Iraqi custody as speculation grows that body of Alan McMenemy will be handed overThe Shia cleric, Qais al-Khazali, who held the key to Peter Moore's fate was freed from Iraqi custody tonight in a move that is widely expected to prompt the handover of the body of the last of the five kidnapped Britons, Alan McMenemy.Iraq's Interior Ministry spokesman and the Sadr Office in Baghdad confirmed the Iranian-linked cleric was released after a cursory period of three days in Iraqi custody that followed the almost three years he spent in an American detention centre.Leaders of the Shia resistance group, The Righteous League, which captured the five men in May 2007 have committed to releasing the remains of McMenemy, who is believed to have been killed along with Moore's three other guards. Negotiators who have dealt with the hostage takers tonight reiterated that they were "100% sure" that McMenemy was dead. They joined the Foreign Office in downplaying speculation from Baghdad that he was still alive."That has never come up in any of our dealings with the group," said key negotiator. "If he was alive his fate would have been used as leverage and that would have come through me. I have been told that all four of the guards were killed at the same time, because they were seen as a threat by the hostage takers."Before Khazali's release, an Iraqi government spokesman confirmed that McMenemy's body might be handed over soon.He told reporters: "The Iraqi government is seeking his release and his handover. This is part of the release process. All must be handed over to the British embassy. And that is what will happen in the coming days."A Foreign Office spokeswoman said: "Our position remains unchanged. We have believed for some time that Alan has been killed and his immediate family have been told our view of his likely fate. We urge those holding Alan to show compassion and to return him immediately."As the return of McMenemy draws to a much-anticipated close, the freed hostage, Moore has appealed for privacy as he gets to know his family again after 31 months in captivity.In a statement issued through the Foreign Office, he said: "I am obviously delighted to have returned to the UK and to have been reunited with my family. "I am looking forward to spending the coming days and weeks catching up on all the things I've missed over the past two and a half years. I would therefore be grateful if we could be given the space and time we need to start to get to know one another again."The 36-year old computer consultant from Lincoln was flown back to Britain on New Year's Day and met his step parents at a secret location to avoid media attention.His father Graeme Moore said yesterday that he had been prevented from seeing his son by the Foreign Office.Moore, who separated from Peter mother's when he was a baby, told the Sunday Mirror: "He is my only child and I just want to say hello and make sure he is all right."Meanwhile an intelligence schism has emerged between Britain and the US, with Gordon Brown yesterday contradicting the head of the US Central Command, General David Petraeus, who said last week that Moore had "clearly" been held in Iran for at least part of his captivity.On Friday, Petraeus confirmed a Guardian report that the hostages had been held in Iran for at least some of their captivity.But speaking on BBC1's Andrew Marr Show today, the prime minister said there was no "direct evidence" that Moore was held inside Iran. He said he had spoken to Moore following his release but the pair had not discussed where he been held. But he added: "If that evidence becomes available then obviously we will share it with people."IraqIranMartin Chulovguardian.co.uk © Guardian News & Media Limited 2010 | Use of this content is subject to our Terms & Conditions | More Feeds
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2010/jan/03/qais-al-khazali-cleric-freed-alan-mcmenemy-body
The news that Iran was behind the capture of British workers including Peter Moore will come as no great surprise to IraqisIn an groundbreaking report, the Guardian has disclosed that Iran masterminded the capture of Peter Moore and his four fellow hostages. The report does so in a meticulous manner and, perhaps for the first time, displays publicly the true extent of Iran's capabilities in Iraq and its extraordinary web of inter-personal and inter-organisational links.The hostages, four of whom were armed, were kidnapped by more than 50 armed men from inside the ministry of finance, driven through Baghdad and beyond in a convoy of at least a dozen vehicles that managed to bypass numerous checkpoints. All of this occurred in broad daylight. The kidnappers, the so-called "Righteous League" – an offshoot of the Mehdi army militia, affiliated to the radical cleric Muqtada al-Sadr – is too obscure and restricted a group to have been able to carry out an operation of such magnitude, without some form of outside assistance.The fact of Iranian involvement, however, may not come as a surprise to many. Lurking at the back of every western and Iraqi political, security and intelligence official's mind was the very strong possibility that Iran had a hand in the operation. The Guardian report says what everybody else in those circles was thinking, or knew, to some degree or other, but was unable to substantiate. General Petraeus, who back in 2007 fell short of accusing Tehran of complicity in an interview with the Times, told the BBC's security correspondent that he was "absolutely certain", based on hard intelligence, that the men were kept in Iran.Iran wields considerable influence over Iraq's Shia-led government. Major parties like the Islamic Supreme Council of Iraq and the Islamic Dawa party of Iraqi premier Nouri al-Maliki were both exiled in Iran and backed by Tehran when in opposition to Saddam.If suggestions that the hostage-taking operation was carried out with Iranian supreme leader Ali Khameini's endorsement are true, it was always going to be impossible for the Iraqi government to take any meaningful action that went against the interests of its powerful neighbour, a neighbour that retains the capability to reverse any progress Iraq may have made in recent years. In a video of the series of interviews the Guardian carried out during the course of its investigation, Iraqi officials seem unwilling to discuss even the possibility that the men were taken out of the country.This state of affairs would have severely hampered any British-US-Iraq initiative to secure the hostages' release. Moore was therefore going to be in captivity for as long as his captors wanted. He had apparently been working on a system that would have shown how billions of pounds in international aid money from Iraqi institutions were being diverted to Iran's militia groups in Iraq. And, in compensation for his eventual release, the freedom of 26-year-old cleric and of Qais al-Khazali, an up-and-coming figure in the Righteous League, was secured. From the point of view of the Iranians, then, and their allies in Iraq, the whole episode has turned out to represent a victory both in material and in strategic terms.The revelations will hurt Iraq's predominantly Shia parties who are preparing to contest the country's national elections in March. Anti-Iran sentiments in Iraq will be stoked even further, with this incident following close on the heels of the Fakka oilfield incursion. The story will also hurt Iran, whose credibility internationally will be further damaged.The reality, however, is that sinister foreign acts in Iraq are two a penny. Iran may be just as guilty in its actions as Iraq's other neighbours are in their support for and facilitation of the terrorist attacks that continue to beset the country. This reality is tacitly accepted in the west. With Iranian influence in Iraq being what it is, and moreover, with progress on the nuclear issue at a standstill, it is unlikely that the current order of relations with Iran will change in the foreseeable future.IranForeign policyIraqMiddle EastRanj Alaaldinguardian.co.uk © Guardian News & Media Limited 2009 | Use of this content is subject to our Terms & Conditions | More Feeds
http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2009/dec/31/iran-iraq-hostages-moore
Guardian reveals Peter Moore, who has been released after two years, was targeted because of his role in tracking international aid money that was being diverted to Iran-backed militiasThe five British men kidnapped in Iraq were taken in an operation led and masterminded by Iran's Revolutionary Guard, according to evidence uncovered during an extensive investigation by the Guardian.The men – including Peter Moore, who was released yesterday after more than two years in captivity – were taken to Iran within a day of their kidnapping from a government ministry building in Baghdad in 2007, several senior sources in Iraq and Iran have told the Guardian. They were held in prisons run by al-Quds Force, a Revolutionary Guard unit that specialises in foreign operations on behalf of the Iranian government.The former US commander in Iraq, General David Petraeus, told the BBC he was "90% certain" Moore was held in Iran for some of his two and a half years in captivity.One of the kidnappers told the Guardian that three of the Britons – Jason Creswell, Jason Swindlehurst and Alec Maclachlan – were killed after the British government refused to take ransom demands seriously.Part of the deal leading to the release of Moore involved the handing over of the young Shia cleric Qais al-Khazali, a leading figure in the Righteous League.The organisation, which emerged in 2006, stayed largely in the shadows as a proxy of al-Quds Force.Khazali was last night handed over by the US military for release by the Iraqi government.The Guardian can also reveal, after a year-long investigation, that:• Moore was targeted because he was installing a system that would show how a vast amount of international aid was diverted to Iran's militia groups in Iraq.• The bodyguards' bodies were eventually traded for the release of Iraqi prisoners.• They had probably been dead for at least 18 months before three of their bodies were handed over this year.Moore, a 37-year-old computer expert from Lincoln, and the four security guards were taken from the Iraqi ministry of finance's technology centre in Baghdad on 29 May 2007.He had been a contractor working to install sophisticated software in the ministry to track down billions of dollars in international aid and oil revenues.A group of up to 100 men entered the building and abducted the Britons, racing off into Baghdad traffic in a fleet of Toyota Land Cruisers.A sixth man – who the Guardian can reveal was Peter Donkin – was left by the kidnappers after he managed to hide under floorboards.A former Iranian Revolutionary Guard member, speaking to the Guardian under condition of anonymity, said the extraordinary kidnapping was masterminded by Iran.The man – a former major who worked for 14 years inside the Iranian organisation and claims to have taken part in kidnap operations himself – said he believed the hostages were held in two al-Quds camps in Iran: one known as Qasser Shiereen military camp, close to the Iraqi border crossing with Mehran, and a second known as the Tehran Pars, located near a salt lake north-east of Qom."It was an Iranian kidnap, led by the Revolutionary Guard, carried out by the al-Quds Force," he said."My contact works for al-Quds. He took part in the planning of the kidnap and he watched the kidnapping as it was taking place. He told me that they spent two days at the Qasser Shiereen camp. They then took them deep inside Iran."This claim is backed up by a serving Iraqi minister with close links to Iran. "This was an IRG [Iranian Revolutionary Guard] operation," he said."You don't think for a moment that those militia groups from Sadr City could have carried out a high-level kidnapping like this one."A former intelligence chief at the Iraqi ministry of defence described to the Guardian how intelligence operatives followed the kidnappers as they took the hostages from a mosque in Baghdad's Sadr City to the Iranian border."They were hooded and handcuffed, then the cars drove off in a new direction – they were headed towards the Iranian border," he said.While the hostages were in Iran the kidnappers made sure those who took care of them were Iraqi nationals."At all times they were surrounded by Iraqi voices. Everything was done to make sure they had no idea they were in Iran," an Iranian source with knowledge of the kidnapping said.The other Britons captured with Moore were all security guards. The bodies of Swindlehurst and Creswell were identified in June, followed by Maclachlan in September.McMenemy is believed to be dead, although his body has not been returned. It is not clear where the men were killed. Their bodies were buried inside Iraq and information about their locations was traded for prisoner releases.A Guardian report in July revealed evidence that Iraqi officials had colluded in the kidnapping of the five, and that one motive was to prevent millions of dollars of aid money from being tracked – including an estimated $18bn (£11bn) that had gone missing.A former senior Iraqi intelligence chief claimed the project Moore was working on would have laid bare exactly where all Iraq's money was going.He claimed there was an Iranian link to the alleged financial cover-up.The Foreign Office has said there was "no evidence that the British hostages, including Peter Moore, were held in Iran"."We are not in a position to say with any certainty where they were held during each and every single day," a statement added.British hostages in IraqIraqIranGlobal terrorismMona MahmoodMaggie O'KaneGuy Grandjeanguardian.co.uk © Guardian News & Media Limited 2009 | Use of this content is subject to our Terms & Conditions | More Feeds
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2009/dec/31/peter-moore-kidnapping-iran-militia
Britons kidnapped to stop diversion of huge funds to Iran being exposed, sources claimAbu Kuther sits in the candlelight, casually flicking his left wrist and sending a long string of prayer beads arching into the air. "There is a famous Arabic saying," he says. "There are many ways to die but death is always the same."Kuther, interviewed in a secret location in Baghdad for the Guardian, said he was one of the kidnappers of five Britons taken from a government ministry building in the Baghdad in May 2007.He has told the Guardian that he was a member of militia group called the "Righteous League" – what he doesn't admit is that the league is a front for the Iranian Quds force created, trained and funded by Iran, and that the kidnapping of the five Britons was led by al-Quds force commandos.The kidnapper spoke to the Guardian after being identified by a senior leader for the Righteous League and a member of the family of the man later exchanged as part of the deal which saw Peter Moore's freedom.A year-long investigation by the Guardian can reveal that Iran's Islamic regime – and specifically the al-Quds force – was heavily involved in the kidnapping of the five men.The Quds force runs overseas intelligence operations for the Iranian government.The other Britons captured with Moore – all security guards – were Alec Maclachlan from Llanelli in Wales, Alan McMenemy from Dumbarton in Scotland, Jason Swindlehurst and Jason Creswell. The bodies of Swindlehurst and Creswell were identified after they were handed over in June, followed by Maclachlan's in September. McMenemy is also believed to be dead, though his body has so far not been returned.Just one, Peter Moore, made it out of Iran alive.MotivesAnd the Iranian regime's motives for the abduction can be confirmed: retaliation for the arrest of key Iranians in Iraq by the United States; anger at the direct threats against Iran by President George W Bush and the desire to prevent Moore, the computer expert among the five kidnap victims, from installing a sophisticated tracking system that would show how billions of pounds in international aid money from Iraqi institutions was diverted to Iran's militia groups in Iraq.The narrative surrounding the hostage taking has been well-rehearsed.On the morning of Wednesday, 29 May, 2007, Moore, a computer specialist working for BearingPoint contractors, arrived at the technology centre of the Ministry of Finance in central Baghdad. He was joined by another man, Peter Donkin, another specialist, and the four British bodyguards.The job the team was working on was to install, and train staff on, a new software system which was designed to track billions in aid as well as the huge revenues generated by the Iraqi oil industry.Iraq's ministries were notoriously corrupt and according to evidence given to the US Congress, as much as $18bn (£11bn) in aid and funds had gone missing in recent years.The British team had been in the technology centre for only a matter of hours when between 80 and 100 armed men, apparently dressed in the uniforms of Iraq's ministry of the interior, arrived in a fleet of 4x4s and stormed the building.One witness, Wihaib Allawi, a janitor at the Ministry, told the Guardian: "They kept shouting in English 'sit down, sit down' to everyone they saw."Another witness, Haider Sa'adoon, an administrative assistant, claims the kidnappers "were talking in a language we couldn't understand".Moore and the four bodyguards were bundled into separate cars and driven off at speed into the mayhem of Baghdad's traffic. Donkin, who was in the lavatory at the time the kidnappers arrived, escaped detection after the Iraqi staff tried to protect him by hiding him under floorboards. The kidnappers missed him.So much is known. But what happened next can be revealed for the first time.Unknown to the kidnappers, they were followed by undercover agents working for Iraq's intelligence service who, by chance, had been outside the Ministry of Finance when the men were taken.A former senior Iraqi intelligence commander has told the Guardian that the agents, who worked for him directly, followed the convoy of cars into Sadr City.It is here in the dusty, airless suburb of east Baghdad that the men spent their first night in captivity, in the al-Zahra mosque. That night British intelligence and the employers of the bodyguards, GardaWorld, searched Sadr City looking for them, desperately trying to confirm reports that they were hidden in a disused petrol station. GardaWorld admits to allowing the kidnap and ransom insurance of the four security guards to lapse due to a "clerical error" before the abductions.The intelligence officers passed the news that the men were inside the mosque up the command chain at the Iraqi Ministry of Defence. It was still early in the afternoon, but it was to no avail as no action was taken. The next day – nearly 24 hours after the kidnapping – the prisoners were on the move again.The Guardian's intelligence source said: "They left the mosque, the second day at 8am. Our two guys followed the cars ... they followed the cars at a distance and the cars went towards al-Obaidi, towards the brick factory. It is an area where several brick factories are and the road ends with a dusty route that leads towards the Iraqi-Iranian border ... it is the shortest way between Baghdad and the borders. It is a desert area full of sand hills, no one lives there."He continued: "Past the brick factories, there were cars waiting for them. While they were transferring the hostages to the other cars, our two guys were hanging around, pretending that they were buying bricks for their houses. One of our guys was negotiating and the other was watching the cars."They saw when they moved the British hostages from one car to another – each one into a separate car. They saw that they were hooded and handcuffed. The cars went in the direction of the Iranian border – because the road is unpaved and dusty, it can take up to an hour and a half to reach the border. But the road they took only leads only one way – to Iran."There was a window of some 17 hours to rescue the five British men but Iraqi intelligence officials were told not to tell anyone what they had seen."They immediately told their boss, who called his boss at the Defence Ministry," according to the Iraqi intelligence source. "The following day a message came back saying: 'You must forget all about this subject, completely forget it, act as if you know nothing and tell your colleagues not to say a word'."SecretedThe Guardian has asked Iraq's Defence Ministry on a number of occasions to respond to this allegation – so far they have not responded.Once in Iran the hostages passed through the border town of Mehran. They were moved between different locations in Iran for several months – including the holy city of Qom, where they were secreted in basements in the Zimbeilebad district, a mainly Iraqi area.A former major in the Revolutionary Guard, who worked in the organisation for more than 14 years, has identified two other prisons where he believes the men were held.The major, who cannot be identified and who now lives outside Iran, says one is an al-Quds camp near a salt lake about 25 miles from Qom and the other is nearer the Iraqi border."My contact works for al-Quds," the major said. "He took part in the planning of the kidnap and he watched the kidnapping as it was taking place. He told me that they spent two days at the Qasser Shiereen camp. They then took them deep inside Iran. My contact also told me they stayed in the salt lake camp for a month ... they separated the hostages."Everything in the prison gave the impression that they are in Iraq, not Iran: the guards, the buildings and even the cars. The uniforms used by security are all Iraqi to give the impression that they are being held in Iraq."The major said he had no doubts the Iranian regime directly planned the kidnapping."The kidnapping at the Ministry of Finance was done was led by the Republican Guard al-Quds force," he said. "They work in cells: every cell is made up of five men. The head of each cell is Iranian, a member of the al-Quds force, and the four others are Iraqis. They prepare for every operation in the most minute of detail in Iran … they study tiny, minuscule things. They specialise in creating perfect disguises for their men who take part in operations like this."Iranian involvement has also been confirmed by a senior serving Iraqi government minister with close links to Iran."This was an IRG (Iranian Revolutionary Guard) operation," he said. "You don't think for a moment that those militia groups from Sadr City could have carried out a high-level kidnapping like this one."Although there appear to have been multiple locations where the hostages were held, the city of Qom became the centre for negotiation for the release of all the hostages.It was where negotiators were sent to try to secure the release of the men; it was also where videos of the hostages were handed over for eventual broadcast.According to the Guardian's information the chief negotiator, Sami al-Askari, would fly from Baghdad into the airport at Mahaabad. From there he would be driven to meet the leader of the kidnappers in Qom.The man who held the life and death of the five Britons in his hands in Qom was a senior leader for the Righteous League. Trained and funded by al-Quds, he was one of their main operatives in Iraq.He and his deputy are believed to be the only men who visited the five Britons while they were in Iran.In the beginning the kidnappers made contact with the Hostage Working Group appointed by the Foreign Office every two or three weeks but, according to documents from the men's employers, BearingPoint and GardaWorld, the contact then tailed off.The problem for the men was that once the Foreign Office became involved in the kidnapping, the option of paying a ransom had to be ruled out according to official government policy.But the kidnappers didn't want more money. They wanted concessions, including withdrawal from Iraq from the British and American governments. They also wanted the release of the man running Iran's military operation in Iraq, Qais al Khazali.One Foreign Office source said: "The problem with dealing with the Iranians is that, with them there is always 'another demand'."According to one of the leaders of the Righteous League who spoke to the Guardian the negotiations did not go well.The autopsy reports on the bodies of three of the men discovered that Jason Creswell and Jason Swindlehurst, both of whom were former paratroopers, had been killed some time between March and May 2008 and their bodies buried at secret locations in Iraq."We killed them because we said we would kill them if our demands were not met. And we have lived up to our promises," the Righteous League leader said in June, just before the first two bodies were found.An Iraqi intelligence source said: "The first four were killed soon after [the kidnapping]. They had no use for them. They are trouble. The computer expert was the valuable one."The government minister, who has had direct contact with the leader of the kidnappers in Qom, also said that he believed that Swindlehurst, Creswell, Maclachlan and McMenemy were executed by their captors because they were "just bodyguards"."In the Middle East those kind of men are regarded as mercenaries, they are disposable. Peter Moore was seen as the valuable catch."It was clear to the Britons when they got the bodies that this was an execution. The men had their hands tied in front of their bodies and had been shot," said the minister."Peter Moore was the golden egg," according to Abu Rahman, an Iraqi journalist who made contact with the kidnappers on behalf the Guardian.According to the interview carried out by Guardian films with Kuther, they initially had been tasked with spying on foreign consultants working in the ministries. He said Peter Moore was targeted because he was a computer specialist: "We had detailed information about him and the work he was doing. We had planned to kidnap him in person and we knew that there was another man who was an expert too – but he was out of our reach."The events that led to the kidnappings began shortly after the US president, George Bush, ratcheted up the pressure on the Iranians with a televised address to the world warning Iran to stay out of Iraq and pull back their proxies.DocumentsIran responded with an unprecedented attack on a US base in Karbala nine days later. The attack had the hallmarks of the al-Quds kidnap section of the Revolutionary Guard, according to the major who spoke to the Guardian.The Guardian has also obtained documents released by the US military under the Freedom of Information act.The documents reveal how the al-Quds operatives' English was so perfect that the Iraqi guards at the checkpoints "were convinced the attackers were American".When the attackers entered the compound they shot dead Private Millican. Four other US soldiers were kidnapped and spirited away in US-style vehicles. They were tracked down by US helicopters but before evading capture they shot dead their handcuffed captives.Tit-for-tat incidents continued with the arrest by the US of Khazali and his brother in Basra in March that year. Khazali is alleged to have been the mastermind behind the Karbala killings, and also the appointed head of all Iranian special groups in Iraq.The next move – the kidnap of the Britons from the Ministry of Finance – by the Righteous League and the al-Quds force was to be decisive and was designed to achieve two aims.The first was to halt the project Moore was working on. The sophisticated computer system being installed would have exposed any corrupt practices in the Ministry of Finance .Judge Radhi Hamza al-Radhi, former commissioner of the Commission of Public Integrity in Iraq, testified to the US Congress on 4 October 2007: "The cost of corruption that my commission has uncovered so far across all ministries in Iraq has been estimated to be as high as $18bn." He had fled to the US in August 2007 after his family's home was targeted in a rocket attack.Vance Jochim, who was the chief auditor and a US adviser for the Commission of Public Integrity based at the US embassy in Baghdad, has previously told the Guardian: "The new system would provide more transparency and accountability over the oil and other revenue handled by the finance ministry" – which he said had been resisting its implementation for nearly two years.Eight months after the kidnappings, the only other location with a full record of the Iraqi government's financial transactions and records of possible financial misconduct – Iraq's Central Bank – was destroyed in a fire. The subsequent investigation found that it was arson.The intelligence source said: "Many people don't want a high level of corruption to be revealed. Remember this is the information technology centre, this is the place where all the money to do with Iraq and all Iraq's financial matters are housed. The centre is linked to the Americans and all the money transfers. Everything, right down to the last penny, is in that centre."But if one aim was to avoid detection of corruption, the second aim was to bargain for the release of the Khazali brothers. In the end that was achieved, although not before the four bodyguards surrounding Peter Moore had been killed.Robert Baer, ex-CIA operative and author of several books, says the Iranian tactics are familiar and have changed little over the years."High-profile kidnappings have always been part of the Iranian tactics. In Lebanon the proxy groups they used to carry out the kidnapping were called 'Islamic Jihad' – in Iraq these days they call them the 'Righteous League'. The name doesn't matter – it is Iran who is behind them."But despite there being a final deal to release the only living hostage, questions have been asked about the tactics employed by the British authorities throughout the ordeal.According to a confidential document released by the five men's employers, the media plan endorsed by the Foreign office was "for minimal exposure". The companies employing the men also said they had pursued a policy of encouraging the families to keep a low profile because it was in the best interests of the men.Over the months the profile of the hostages gradually diminished.Spiritual leaderSince the kidnappings, the Foreign Office has never confirmed that they were taken to Iran and will say only that they didn't know where they were. The official line has always been that: "Her Majesty's Government policy is not to facilitate or pay ransoms or make substantive concessions to the hostage takers."But the Guardian has learned that approaches were made to the Iranians through the British Embassy in Tehran - though not directly to the supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, who is the spiritual leader of al-Quds force.Iraqi intelligence sources have also claimed that British intelligence – one of the best intelligence services operating in Iraq – knew that the five Britons had been taken to Iran."The British are the best, they know exactly what is going on." So why then did they not approach the spiritual leader and ask for the release of the five men?"Deals had been done with Iran for the release of the British sailors – so why couldn't a deal have been done for our guys?" asked the father of one of the hostages, Denis McMenemy, a 57-year-old former paratrooper who works nights stacking shelves at Morrisons in Dumbarton.Baer agrees : "The Americans have failed every single time, on every important incident between Tehran and Washington."And so has Britain, by not talking to the Iranians, by not establishing a channel to Khamenei's office. Not through the foreign ministry, not through the embassy, but to Khamenei's office, it's a diplomatic failure."Iraq's national security adviser, Mowaffak al-Rubaie, who had been in direct contact with the kidnappers in Iran also agrees: "The kidnapping is a very complicated issue in the region."The other thing the Foreign Office could have done was to talk to the regional players in the region. But the modus operandi would have never been reaching out to Iran. It was a taboo you should avoid."Over the last year, three funeral processions have wound their way through the streets of Wales, Scotland and England – carrying the bodies of Jason Creswell, Jason Swindlehurst and Alec Maclachlan. A fourth will take place in Glasgow for the funeral of Alan McMenemy.In the end only Peter Moore made it out of Iran alive.For Kuther, the question of compassion doesn't come into the calculus of kidnapping."I don't mean to hurt the families, but they knew there was a risk when their sons went to occupy another country. What they were afraid of has happened. It has happened to their five sons."British hostages in IraqIraqIranMona MahmoodMaggie O'KaneGuy Grandjeanguardian.co.uk © Guardian News & Media Limited 2009 | Use of this content is subject to our Terms & Conditions | More Feeds
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2009/dec/31/british-hostages-baghdad-iraq-iran
Will the Middle East collapse in flames? Or will Iran come in the from the cold?It is easy enough to construct a scenario in which the Middle East explodes into flames in 2010, dragging the rest of the world into a churning crisis of widening military confrontation, terrorist attacks in western cities, and a global economic recession spawned by chronic oil shortages.An Israeli aerial attack on Iran's suspect nuclear facilities is the most obvious trigger. Any such action would be likely to provoke retaliatory attacks on Israel by Iran's Lebanese proxy, Hezbollah, and against US targets in Bahrain and the Gulf.The Obama administration's official line is that there are "no good options" on Iran, and that a military strike would have only a short-term impact. But nuclear negotiations are at a standstill, sanctions do not appear to be working and the unofficial US deadline for Iran to start co-operating expires today. The US may not be able to restrain Israel's headstrong prime minister, Binyamin Netanyahu. And it would inevitably be drawn in on Israel's side. If, as seems probable, Iran responded by blockading or mining the Straits of Hormuz, Obama would be in direct confrontation with Tehran.Truly, it's a dreadful prospect. But it is just as easy to offer a more positive interpretation. In one sense, the difference between a deal and a rupture with Iran boils down to two hardline individuals: Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei and President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. Should either be removed from power, by political opponents, by an internal coup, or for reasons of health, the picture could be transformed. Iran is a young country with a mainly pro-western outlook. Its educated classes bemoan the gulf with the west that has grown up since the 1979 revolution. The majority favours rapprochement. And if a policy of re-engagement were to take hold, as happened in eastern Europe 20 years ago, it could prove impossible to stop.Iran's coming in from the cold would have an enormous impact around the region. Bellwether countries such as Syria would follow suit. Support for violent, rejectionist Islamist extremism in Iraq and Palestine would correspondingly decline. This in turn could create an exceptional opportunity to resolve the Arab-Israeli conflict.The key elements of a peace deal are all well known, laid out in the Arab League's initiative and the US-backed road map. The likely shape a final settlement might take, including borders, Jerusalem, compensation for refugees, and mutual diplomatic recognition, is no mystery. The more problematic question in recent years has been how to create enough trust and momentum to get from here to there. If Israel's leadership, freed from its Iran fixation and preferably headed by a replacement for Netanyahu, truly wanted it; if Hamas, faced by dwindling external support, and Fatah patched up their differences and came to the negotiating table; and if Obama was there, too, ready to guarantee a deal militarily and financially, there's no objective reason why 2010 might not be the harbinger of lasting peace in the Middle East.The knock-on effect of such a historic grand bargain could be spectacular, for example by removing much of the ideological raison d'etre for al-Qaida-style terrorism. The boost to efforts to halt proliferation of weapons of mass destruction might be equally stunning. In prospect might be an end to the "clash of civilisations", as urged by Obama in his Cairo speech.Of course, this can easily be dismissed as wishful thinking. People get comfortable with failure; we are accustomed to things not working out. The odds favour gloom. Believe the worst, as they say, and it will probably happen. But hope for the best, and who knows? With a bit of faith and a dash of luck, 2010 might just bring some pleasant surprises.IranIsraelMiddle EastGlobal terrorismSimon Tisdallguardian.co.uk © Guardian News & Media Limited 2009 | Use of this content is subject to our Terms & Conditions | More Feeds
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2009/dec/31/the-year-ahead-world-stage
In the aftermath of elections anti-government protesters have been posting accounts, photos and videos of the clashesAmid renewed clashes between the Iranian authorities and the reformist Green Movement, social networking sites such as Twitter have again become a focal point of the protests against the Islamic regime. As in the aftermath of the disputed presidential elections in June, anti-government protesters have been posting hundreds of accounts, photos and videos of the latest clashes on the micro-blogging network.With foreign media facing tough restrictions by the Iranian authorities and state-controlled media mistrusted by much of the country's population, these posts on Twitter – although often difficult to verify – provide a vivid insight into the chaotic situation on the streets.mamad2020 condemned the coverage of the Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting (IRIB) as "propaganda" in a series of tweets.– IRIB is obviously very scared of the events of yesterday as the protests happened at its doorsteps.– IRIB shows a Basiji lying in the hospital bed saying he was stabbed from the back by Greens. IRIB is heavily playing propaganda and calling the greens anti-Islamic. 'Being unpolite to Khamenei is like being unpolite to the profit.'Basij interview on IRIB: 'I was on my bike looking and someone hit me from the back and I don't remember any more.'– It's really obvious that it's acting and they're so bad at it. A doctor also refused to be interviewed on TV.– IRIB is playing so called telephone calls people asking the police to remove the protesters from streets fiercely.– IRIB interviews a cleric who says: 'I'm trying to calm down the people of Iran so they wouldn't come to Tehran and kill all protesters.' I wished I could get a metal stick and beat this IRIB guy to death.– An IRIB guest is saying Khamenei is like Imam Hossein and Green leaders are like yazid [the killer of Imam Hussein, grandson of the Prophet Muhammad, whose death the Shia lament on Ashura]. (They're backed by Israel).Another Twitter user, nomoredespots, also attacked the IRIB, calling for pro-government media broadcasts to be hacked or blocked.This regime is so stupid that they can't even come up with decent lies. PressTV, IRNA, Fars, and all rubbish Iran propaganda sites still online spreading misinformation to Iran public.– Next on the agenda is peacefully taking out IRIB TV transmission & replacing signal with looped video of Neda [Soltan]'s killing.The user also expressed defiance at the increasingly brutal crackdown by Iranian police and security forces.– Doesn't matter how many people regime arrests, there's millions more where they came from. If evil regime keep arresting everyone, they better start building many new prisons to hold 65 million people.–"Top 10 ways to really piss off the regime: No 10 - every Basij caught is spray painted bright green, & super glued to his bike." nomoredespots also posted a YouTube video showing protesters stamping on a sign of Khamenei St and called for "all street signs with evil regime names [to] be removed in Iran".Dozens of videos of the clashes between protesters and security forces have also been posted on YouTube. One of the most interesting shows how demonstrators are trying to win over the police. Another disturbing video appears to show men who were going to be hanged by the police on December 24 being rescued.Iranian Twitter users have also posted photos of the new protests on the micro-blogging site.Users Dryah and manic77 have photos of the clashes with police and scenes of their aftermath.Tehran Bureau, an online press bureau connecting journalists, Iran experts and ordinary Iranian citizens, has posted accounts from people caught up in the protests on Sunday.One from a 22-year-old male university student describes a dramatic confrontation between demonstrators and the police near Valiasr Square at about 1pm local time.Lines of black-clad Special Guards guarded the square. What happened next was something I had never seen.People broke off slabs from the sidewalk and smashed them to smaller pieces – they threw these stones at the Guards. The crowd – a few thousand people, with a few hundred in the front line – had gone into guerrilla mode. They were fearless and fearsome: not only did not back down but went on the offensive. The sky looked like a hailstorm of stones. The guards had taken refuge under their shields; for some reason, they did not fire teargas at us. After about 20 minutes of this, the Guards retreated and left on their bikes. The crowd was elated; we felt we had 'conquered' Valiasr Square.We poured into the square. The ground was littered with stones and a few broken helmets, like a battlefield. People set a police canister on fire. The atmosphere was very jubilant.Suddenly, people began yelling 'Run! Go!' and a stampede commenced as the crowd began running. I ran up Valiasr Avenue; after ten or so minutes some of us ventured back out to the square to see what had happened.I saw a distraught crowd gathered around something. Wails of 'They killed him!' 'Savages!' filled the air, as well as chants of 'I will kill whoever kills my brother'. Based on what I heard from people, an anti-riot SUV had entered the square, moving at high speed, and ran over several people who were running away, apparently injuring some and killing or severely wounding one person.I went forward in time to see people carrying a limp body, but I could not tell if he was dead or unconscious, and I don't know if people took him to the hospital or not.I left soon after that event, at about 2 pm.IranProtestTwitterDavid Battyguardian.co.uk © Guardian News & Media Limited 2009 | Use of this content is subject to our Terms & Conditions | More Feeds
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/blog/2009/dec/28/iran-protests-twitter
Nine-year-old terrified by almost three-hour incarceration while mother in hospital, say relativesA nine-year-old boy was separated from his mother and kept in a van for several hours by UK Border Agency officials while she was treated in hospital.The agency held the boy – known as Child M – in a vehicle for three hours after an early morning deportation raid, and said that he had not been distressed. The family, however, said the child repeatedly asked to see his mother and was terrified during the incarceration.The family were taken to Yarl's Wood immigration removal centre, near Clapham, Bedfordshire, on 17 November, and told they would be deported the following day, but their lawyers filed fresh evidence relating to their case and they were released on 8 December.In a statement given to a translator the Iranian child described being scared after the deportation raid, during which his mother collapsed and was taken to hospital in an ambulance. "I was really scared, they locked the door and they said you [are] coming with us, and they put me [into a] van. I told them I have to return my guitar and camera to school. I thought they let me to [sic] return them to school but they returned the stuff by themself [sic]."Describing being in the vehicle he said: "Sometimes they asked me something and talk[ed] to me, but I was frightened because they were so big like monster and I wanted to ran away from them. I have never been so lonely in my life, without friend or family."Once in Yarl's Wood, the child, who has received psychological treatment since being previously detained for 52 days last year, vomited blood in the middle of the night, according to his mother. At around midnight she asked for medical attention but was told he would have to wait until the morning to see a doctor, she said.In a letter of complaint written on the 1 December, she wrote: "It is outrages, as he is only nine and if we were outside this place, we would have got an ambulance." She added: "He was just recovered from the psychological affects of the last time at we were in detention, and we are back to square one now."Child M's mother has been trying to claim asylum in the UK, saying her life will be in danger if she returns to Iran because photocopied extracts of Salman Rushdie's novel The Satanic Verses were found at her house and business premises.Their lawyers have filed a new report to the UK Border Agency in which an independent expert testifies that an arrest warrant is genuine and states that the family will be in grave danger if sent back.Child M's solicitor, Richard Jones, a specialist in international children's law, said he was very concerned about the child's time in the van and his treatment once in Yarl's Wood."I am flabbergasted at the government's policy on the detention of young children and their management and care when in detention centres," he said.David Wood, head of criminality and detention for the UK Border Agency, said the boy spent less than three hours in an unlocked people carrier with a female immigration officer. "Our immigration officers, who are specially trained to deal with families with children, considered this would be a less stressful environment for the child. He was relaxed and comfortable throughout, and provided with food and drink."He added that Child M was attended to by a qualified nurse after vomiting blood and later seen by a doctor.Commentating on the case, Sir Al Aynsley-Green, the children's commissioner for England, said children in stressful circumstances should never be separated from their parents.He added: "If there is an exceptional reason why a parent cannot be with their child, then that child should be looked after by a responsible adult who they can trust and relate to. Children should also not be interviewed alone by officials."Children in immigration removal centres have told me about the distress and anxiety they feel during the arrest process and while in detention, therefore any period of separation from loved ones will only make them feel much worse."Immigration and asylumChildrenIranAlexandra ToppingEric Allisonguardian.co.uk © Guardian News & Media Limited 2009 | Use of this content is subject to our Terms & Conditions | More Feeds
http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/2009/dec/28/boy-deportation-van-yarls-wood
• Reformist leader's nephew killed in Tehran clashes• Ashura bloodbath widens political rift in countryIt was meant to be an event when Iranians unite to honour one of Shia Islam's most revered martyrs. Instead, it turned into a day of bloodshed that left at least nine people dead, many more injured and the country facing a potentially unbridgeable political divide amid an escalating cycle of violence.The Shia mourning ceremony of Ashura became a confrontation between Iran's torn political factions when the government unleashed a furious crackdown on pro-opposition protesters that included orders to open fire.Witnesses were still reporting the sounds of gunfire in Tehran last night after a day in which at least five protesters in the city were killed and many more injured in the most violent clashes between opposition supporters and security forces in months. Four more were killed in the northern city of Tabriz, a stronghold of the reformist leader, Mir Hossein Mousavi, whose nephew was among those reportedly shot dead in Tehran.More than 300 arrests were confirmed, amid reports of violent clashes in cities and towns across Iran.In a departure from previous incidents, opposition demonstrators retaliated furiously against the security forces. Eyewitnesses described how many officers were attacked and stripped of their uniforms and beaten with their own batons. A video posted on YouTube showed one security agent being surrounded by an angry crowd while other footage showed a police officer with a bloody head wound after being mobbed.Plumes of smoke billowed above Tehran after numerous police cars and motorcycles were set ablaze, and the city's main boulevards were covered in stones that had been used as missiles.Security forces opened fire on demonstrators gathered in some of the city centre's main squares and thoroughfares after failing to disperse crowds with tear-gas and warning shots."When people started attacking them, the forces were ordered to kneel, take aim and shoot at people directly," said one witness, Muhammad, 25, an economics student. "We were on Kolaj bridge and people started attacking. The security forces began shooting at people. I saw one guy with his brains blown out."The clashes came after Iran's opposition Green Movement decided to use Ashura – commemorating the killing of Imam Hussein, grandson of the Prophet Muhammad, at Kerbala in 680AD – as a pretext for demonstrations.Officials had warned that any show of defiance would be met with a severe crackdown and put hospitals and emergency services on alert for major casualties.Many of those injured in the clashes were not taken to hospital for fear that the security forces would arrest them there.By authorising the use of lethal force on one of Shia Islam's holiest days, the Islamic regime may have fatally undermined its claim to be the protector of Iran's religious traditions. Islamic teaching deems warfare and spilling blood to be haram, or forbidden, during the current Islamic month of Muharram.The deaths also pave the way for a cycle of mourning ceremonies which look likely to lead to further violence. A similar succession of mourning events undermined the Shah's regime in 1978 and led to the Islamic revolution.Police described the deaths as suspicious and denied that orders had been given to open fire. Iran's deputy police chief, Ahmad Reza Radan, said only one person had been shot, but not by police. Two others had died in a car accident while another fell off a bridge, he claimed.The reformist website Rah-e Sabz, citing eyewitnesses, reported that some members of the security forces had mutinied and argued fiercely with their commanders over the shooting orders. One was said to have been slapped by his commander and threatened with a military tribunal after telling him: "I will never kill my compatriots."The shootings threaten to further undermine the standing of Iran's supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, who had already replaced President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad as the target of the opposition's wrath.Protesters yesterday chanted: "Khamenei is a murderer, his leadership is illegitimate." Equally damaging were slogans that tied him to the rape allegations levelled by opposition activists, who say they were subject to brutal sexual assaults in prison after being detained in the wake of last June's bitterly disputed presidential election, won by Ahmadinejad.Hossein Bastani, an Iranian political analyst based in France, said yesterday's events had driven the Islamic regime closer to collapse. "Everybody is now convinced that the Islamic regime cannot continue like this," he said. "I think we will see a very important change in the political system of Iran. Nobody can say when, whether it will be in two weeks, two months or one year. But everyone knows this regime is far weaker than to be able to survive. Because of the behaviour of Khamenei and Ahmadinejad, most Iranians are now in favour of some sort of regime change."The semi-official news agency Fars, closely linked to the revolutionary guards, said the clashes had been caused by Mousavi's supporters, who had "followed the call of the foreign media". It accused "deceived hooligans" of setting fire to the Qur'an and "disrespecting" Ashura.Voices from the street: Protesters' storiesMohammad, 25, economic student, who was at Kalaj bridge: "I witnessed three people being killed. The security forces were beating people like dogs. The forces were ordered to kneel and aim and shoot at people directly. We were Kolaj bridge and people started attacking.The security forces began shooting at people. I saw one of them, his brain was blown out. People started chanting: 'I kill, I kill, the one who killed my brother.' People for the first time are defending themselves by throwing stones and also with batons. People have been attacking them bare-handed. The plain-clothed agents are grasping pieces of metal sticks and beating people on the head."Ali Reza, 23, computer engineering student at Tehran Azad University, who was at Ferdowsi Square: "In Azadi Street close to Eskandari Street people are attacking the forces. Most of the slogans have been against Khamenei rather than Ahmadineiad. In Imam Hossein Square, people set fire to the forces' motorcycles and ripped off the clothes of the revolutionary guard. One basiji, who was carrying a dagger in Azadi Street, was severely injured when people attacked him. In Laleh Park, 50,000 people had gathered. Around 50 or 60 of the security forces were 'arrested' by people and had their clothes ripped off. The forces are aiming at the upper part of people's bodies."IranProtestMir Hossein MousaviAyatollah Ali KhameneiMahmoud AhmadinejadIslamRobert Taitguardian.co.uk © Guardian News & Media Limited 2009 | Use of this content is subject to our Terms & Conditions | More Feeds
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2009/dec/27/iran-protests-tehran-ashura-ceremony
Elderly man among dead, claims reformist website, as security forces clamp down on holy day marches across IranAt least four people were reported dead today after Iranian security forces opened fire on opposition protesters who took to the streets in Tehran for a religious ceremony.The shootings took place as tens of thousands of demonstrators gathered in the capital for the Shia Ashura ceremonies and to voice anger at the government.The reformist website Rah-e Sabz reported that an elderly man was among the dead after being shot in the forehead at a crossroads in Tehran city centre. Three others were said to have been shot nearby at Kalej bridge, in Enghelab Street. Rah-e Sabz, citing witnesses, said crowds held up the elderly man and started chanting slogans against Iran's supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei.Crowds prevented security forces from taking away those wounded in the shootings. According to other eyewitness reports, members of the hardline Basij militia attacked demonstrators with daggers and knives. Disturbances were also reported in Isfahan and Najafabad, where the Rah-e Sabz described the situation as "severe".Najafabad, birthplace of the dissident Grand Ayatollah Hossein Ali Montazeri, who died last Sunday, has witnessed several outbreaks of unrest in the past week. Today's religious ceremonies – marking the 7th-century death of the Prophet Mohammad's grandson, Imam Hossein – coincides with the ritual seven-day mourning ceremonies for Montazeri, who had repeatedly criticised the government and denounced President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's re-election last summer as invalid.Ashura ceremonies commonly feature vast crowds of people marching and beating their chests in memory of Imam Hossein, who is seen as a martyr against oppressive government. This year the opposition pledged to use its voice to continue opposition to the government.The authorities responded by warning of a huge crackdown. Hospitals and emergency services were put on alert to expect large-scale casualties.The authorities are taking a risk in using lethal force against protesters during the Islamic Moharram, during which war and bloodshed is deemed to be religiously haram, or forbidden. It raises the likelihood of a series of mourning cycles, as required by Shia tradition. It was such a mourning cycle that fatally undermined the Shah's regime when it tried to suppress demonstrations in 1978.IranProtestRobert Taitguardian.co.uk © Guardian News & Media Limited 2009 | Use of this content is subject to our Terms & Conditions | More Feeds
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2009/dec/27/four-killed-iran-protests
Journalist and filmmaker Maziar Bahari was tortured and jailed for more than 100 days for reporting on the unrestAfter the re-election of Ahmadinejad I was in an Iranian jail for 118 days, 107 of them in solitary. Every day I was told "Mr Bahari, the world has forgotten about you." So the best day of my time there was when one of the guards called me "Mr Hillary Clinton". I asked him why, and he said that she had talked about me on television. On that day I realised I was not forgotten – there was an international campaign for my release.I was born in Iran, but left when I was 19, in 1986, and returned in 1998 as a journalist and filmmaker. I had had some run-ins with the authorities before – I'm sure my phone was bugged, and I was under surveillance – but on the whole they let me work.The atmosphere in the run-up to the election was euphoric; people thought real changes and reforms were possible – people in urban areas, including myself, where reformists, secular and educated people tend to live, maybe had unrealistic expectations. I don't think Ahmadinejad rigged the vote (although I'm sure there was some rigging), but he had been buying votes with the oil boom money for years.Most people who gathered on the streets to demonstrate against his re-election did not resort to violence, but there were some terrorist opposition groups that took advantage of the situation. Ayatollah Khamenei ordered that the demonstrators be crushed with brute force, and many young people reacted with violence, because they feel they cannot get any results from peaceful demonstrations or peaceful acts. I think that's the danger for the immediate future of Iran – that both the government and opposition are becoming more militarised.I reported on the demonstrations for Newsweek and Channel 4 up until 20 June. The next day, I was arrested by the Revolutionary Guard and taken to the notorious Evin prison – I had interviewed many people who had been tortured there. My daily routine was very boring. The only books I had were the Qur'an and the book of prayers. My daily routine was long hours of stretching, yoga, sit-ups and press-ups – I realised I needed to be physically fit to withstand the interrogations. I thought about many books I had read, I would try and recreate films, scene by scene, shot by shot. I sang Leonard Cohen songs to myself. I was only aware of the hours because of the call to prayers three times a day.My arrest was one of hundreds. I was accused of being the mastermind of the western media in Iran, or being a spy for the CIA, MI6 and Mossad. In the end they accused me of being a "media spy" and when I asked my interrogator what that meant, he said, "We don't have a definition of that at the moment – let's work on it together." I can laugh about it now, but when you are blindfolded and being beaten it is not amusing. The worst thing is that many of my friends were sentenced to lengthy jail terms because of such stupid accusations. I made two televised confessions. They told me that unless I made the first one they were going to charge me with espionage and that I would be guilty until proven innocent, that I would be investigated for four to six years and then either released or executed. Before my second televised confession I was being beaten and kicked a lot and my interrogator told me that if I made it they would let me go.The communal cell, where I spent my last 11 days, was very close to where they were executing people. But the Iranian government is not interested in executing journalists, it is more interested in breaking and humiliating them. They did torture me physically, but it was mostly psychological torture. I was threatened with the noose nearly every day for three months. They talked about my release for 20 days. They would say, "We may release you today", but then they would come up with excuses not to release me. Then on 17 October, I was supposed to be released at 11am, but it was delayed, and finally I was released at 8.54pm. When I walked out it felt surreal – but I didn't feel safe because I was in a bigger jail, called Iran. It was only when I left Iranian air space that I felt safe.The last night before I left Tehran my interrogator said to me, "Mr Mahari, we have agents all over the world and we can always bring you back to Iran in a bag."I was bailed out, so technically I'm still a prisoner, I'm supposed to go back and face the 11 charges against me – insulting the supreme leader, undermining the security of the state, things like that. But as long as my interrogator holds an official position I don't think I'll return.IranIan Tuckerguardian.co.uk © Guardian News & Media Limited 2009 | Use of this content is subject to our Terms & Conditions | More Feeds
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2009/dec/27/iran-protests-ahmadinejad-election-maziar-bahari
With the arrest of activist Majid Tavakoli, a strange phenomenon has swept the internet – photos of men dressed in hijabDuring the student's day demonstrations last week an Iranian student named Majid Tavakoli was arrested by the authorities after giving a rousing pro-democracy speech. The next day, government newspapers published photographs of him dressed in a full hijab – with chador and headscarves, as typically worn by more devout adherents to the Islamic dress code that is mandatory for women Iran. There is a dispute about the authenticity of the image; whether it was photoshopped or whether he was forced to wear women's clothes by his captors.Either way the pictures were meant to humiliate Tavakoli, and by extension the green movement. The publication of such pictures has a specific meaning in the vernacular of Iranian politics, drawn from historic precedence. In July 1981, the then disgraced president, Banisadr, was alleged to have escaped from the country dressed as a woman. Whether true or not, he was certainly photographed on his arrival in Paris minus his signature moustache.In street slang the image of a man dressed as woman is a slanderous of his sexuality and essential manhood. In political terms, evoking Banisadr represents a sort of political red card. The conservative and pro-government press has in recent weeks threatened the leaders of the green movement several times with the same fate as the deposed first president of the state. Banisadr, once a trusted lieutenant of Ayatollah Khomeini, swept to power in the first elections with a massive popular mandate. He seriously overestimated his support base by engaging in a power struggle with the Ayatollah and went from being at the heart of the system to pariah status. The message to messrs Mousavi, Khatami and Karroubi (the steadfast and so-far united leaders of the green movement) is clear; do not confuse popularity with power – it is the system that has bestowed power upon you and in defying it you are close to being beyond the pale.So, the gentlemen in charge of the propaganda war against the opposition know their history well. But they are no good at sociology.Within hours of Tavakoli's photograph being published in the newspapers, hundreds of young Iranian men posted photographs of themselves dressed in headscarves, bed sheets and other forms of improvised hijab. This has spread online in chat rooms and websites and soon enough to the meetings of the opposition.The message sent back to the men in charge in Iran is an invitation to wake up and smell the coffee. The contemporary opponents of the regime are not hampered by the symbolic language of oppression. They are taking ownership of it as a step towards dismantling the very architecture of the system of oppression. The green movement is a post-modern, post -ideological civic movement. It also points to how far the notion of women as a political force has travelled in the 30 years since the revolution. Women are at the forefront of this movement and its badge of honour – they are not an accessory. Zahra Rahnavard and Shirin Ebadi are key leaders and spokeswomen of the movement and Neda its most famous martyr. The green movement is helping to redefine the idea of womanhood in the language of a contemporary Iran. As a leading Iranian website and chat room exhorts, "Be a man. Send us your picture as a woman".ReligionIslamIranMiddle EastMasoud Golsorkhiguardian.co.uk © Guardian News & Media Limited 2009 | Use of this content is subject to our Terms & Conditions | More Feeds
http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/belief/2009/dec/16/men-hijab-majid-tavakoli
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